EDITORIAL : THE DAILY NATIONAL POST, CANADA

Ignatieff 's petro-populism

Once a man who preferred the intellectual high road, Michael Ignatieff now is plumbing that lowest common denominator of water-cooler populism: high gas prices. Could this really be the thinker who once parsed the fine points of global citizenship and human rights on the pages of The New York Times Magazine?

At a rally on Tuesday in the Toronto suburb of Scarborough, Mr. Ignatieff pledged to place MP Dan McTeague -a man already wellknown as a noisy demagogue -in charge of monitoring pump prices nationwide, should the Liberals win the May 2 election. For a thinking voter, it's as good a reason as any not to vote for the Liberals.

Mr. McTeague has made a career of bashing oil companies over gasoline prices while never quite managing to find any proof of collusion or gouging, two of his favourite accusations. The Pickering-Scarborough East MP has shown that there is less competition in most Canadian markets than in comparable American ones -so in most large Canadian cities one oil company tends to dominate above the others -but he has never demonstrated that this arrangement leads to higher consumer prices at the pump.

It's easy enough to understand how some Canadians accept the populist complaints pushed by Mr. McTeague. Gasoline prices seem to go up and down in lockstep at all stations at once (a reflection of the price of oil, and other global factors beyond any one company's control). This has enabled Mr. McTeague to stoke popular resentment against "Big Oil" with allegations of tacit collusion and price gouging.

But the truth is, gasoline is a consumer good that is particularly hard to fix. There are more than 7,000 gas stations in this country and, as Financial Post analyst William Watson has written, because there are so many selling a roughly identical product and because they all display their price out front in big, bold numbers, it would be difficult to gouge customers. Some competitor, somewhere, would quickly break ranks in a effort to increase their market share.

Besides which, Mr. McTeague's monitoring would accomplish little. Only through regulation of gas prices could the Liberals claim to be doing something about the populace's frustration. Should that occur, expect the result to be gasoline shortages and higher prices.

The rich aren't so bad after all

"Let me tell you about the very rich. They are different from you and me. [They are] soft where we are hard, and cynical where we are trustful.. They think . that they are better than we are because we had to discover the compensations and refuges of life for ourselves."

These words by F. Scott Fitzgerald summarize the classic stereotype of rich people: They are idle snobs who inherited their money and have little in common with, or sympathy for, people of lesser means. Throughout history, this view has formed the basis of many redistributionist creeds. The underlying premise -which has seeped into much of the anticorporate agitation on display in the current election campaign -is that the rich are infected, perhaps even from birth, with the taint of undeserved wealth.

But a study published on April 19 suggests that most of Canada's wealthy individuals are not a breed apart. BMO Harris Private Banking recently conducted an online survey of 459 Canadian millionaires. Of these, a scant 6% report that they inherited the bulk of their wealth. Ninety-four percent state that they are largely self-made, either as businesspersons or professionals. Eighty percent affirm that they enjoy greater wealth than their parents. And 76% believe it is important to give back to their communities.

What does this study tell us? First, that the rich are far from idle. Work is the underpinning of their wealth. Instead of envying their luck, we should seek to replicate their success -and teach our children to do the same.

Second, that upward mobility is a reality in our country. The myth that you cannot become rich unless you are born into money is false: Canada is a land of opportunity.

Third, that the rich have considerable empathy for those less fortunate. The BMO study confirms an earlier survey the company conducted in 2010, which found that overall, wealthy Canadians planned to give away between 1% to 3% of their wealth (assets, not income) that year.

The rich have more money than the rest of us -in some cases, a lot more money. But most have earned it themselves through hard work. This is something we should remember as we endure the catcalls of class warfare during this election campaign and beyond.

EDITORIAL : THE BANGKOK POST, THAILAND

Disservice to democracy

The decision of the New Politics Party to stay out of the upcoming election is both disappointing and a disservice to the country. The party showed a baffling lack of spine in its Sunday debate on the issue.

Even the declaration to stay aloof from the polls was a wishy-washy one. The strong resolve and spirit of the yellow shirt movement appeared to die in some scattered boos. A party born from a mass movement withered and effectively died without so much as even testing its strength in a meaningful election.

The NPP grew out of the mass demonstrations of the People's Alliance for Democracy. The PAD grew out of a great popular dissatisfaction with the Thaksin Shinawatra government. The New Politics Party came into being because of a constant litany during the street protests and mob actions of the PAD: If you really want change, join the political process and take part, democratically.

Now that it finally has a chance to do just that, the leaders of the NPP are leaving the stage with a tiny whimper.

The chief organisers of the PAD decided weeks ago that they would call for an election boycott. But because it is mandatory to vote, they have called on members and supporters to vote for "no candidate", which is an actual choice on all ballots.

According to the PAD, the election expected late in June or early in July provides no acceptable candidates for government.

The opposition Puea Thai Party and its red shirt supporters of the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship have been the target of the PAD from the start.

In recent months, the leaders have declared that the Democrats under Abhisit Vejjajiva are just as bad.

There are numerous reasons why the PAD, and especially the NPP, are wrong. First of all, it is beyond silly to claim that all of the several thousand candidates standing in the election are unacceptable. Seating in the new parliament is to be based on the winners of 375 constituency seats and 125 so-called list MPs. The ballot allows a voter to protest the polls, or to indicate that no candidate is acceptable to him.

But in an election, most voters are capable of choosing the best-qualified representatives for their area, and for the country.

The PAD has called for the equivalent of a coup d'etat. PAD leaders Sondhi Limthongkul, Maj Gen Chamlong Srimuang and others want the constitution to be thrown out, so that some sort of national government can take over and run the country - no politicians allowed, no elections permitted.

This is a clear revival of the hoary old yellow shirts' call during the Thaksin days, to invoke Section 7 of the constitution, permitting the naming of an interim prime minister when the country is in an emergency. The call was far out of line when first made in 2006, and is still out of line now.

It is also shambolic. PAD leaders are tongue-tied over just how to implement such a plan. The call by the PAD and NPP for voters to mark "No Vote" would have no real effect even if successful. Unless every last voter marked his or her ballot like that, the candidate with the most votes still would be declared the winner.

What is effectively a call for an election boycott is a black mark of shame on the PAD, and particularly on the NPP. The NPP was formed to serve a constituency on the political battlefield. To slink off without a fight is a blow to supporters. It also is a blow to democracy.

EDITORIAL : THE NEW ZEALAND HERALD, NEW ZEALAND

Anti-abuse move drastic but necessary

The Government is taking a drastic step in making witnesses to parental child abuse criminally liable if they do not report the abuse to the authorities. In many cases the witnesses will be close relatives or good friends. It is easy to say that no decent friend or relative would turn a blind eye to brutal treatment of an infant but it is asking a lot of anyone to come between a parent and a child. That, however, is exactly the reason the law should require it.

Among those who criticise the proposed law, Green Party co-leader Metiria Turei thinks it would be better to support those who are in a position to report abuse, not threaten them with a criminal charge that will carry a possible 10 years' jail. Yet that may be the best form of support these people could possibly be given.

Concerned relatives or close friends would no longer face a conflict between their loyalty to the parent or carer and their concern for the child. Their risk and the possible penalty they face would be clear to them and, just as important, to the abuser. Both parties would know the witness has no choice. If that deters abuse within sight of such witnesses, it would be a good thing, reducing the incidence of abuse if not its severity.

Of course it will remain necessary for the police to prove the abuse was witnessed, and that could often be difficult. Police concentration will be on proving the guilt of the primary offender, not that of bystanders. This is one of those laws that cannot rely on enforcement to be effective. Its existence must be made known powerfully and the authorities should not be afraid to prosecute relatives for keeping quiet.

The proposed law has been prompted by the Kahui case, in which the 3-month-old twins died of severe head injuries and the family closed ranks. The law will apply to adults who do not necessarily live in the house where the abuse is occurring, but are closely connected to the household. They will be obliged to take steps to protect a child they know to be at risk of physical abuse, sexual assault or death.

The bill introduced by Justice Minister Simon Power is not the only Government response to child abuse of late. Social Development Minister Paula Bennett has announced a green paper on the subject. It suggests ways that schools and social agencies can share information about children in risky situations.

The day her discussion paper was issued a woman was committed for trial for the abuse of her 9-year-old daughter. The case had come to the attention of 12 welfare agencies and has been the subject of a ministerial inquiry into their handling of it. Ms Bennett said it had not prompted her green paper but the recital of alleged offences against the girl is enough to make the case one of the more serious to come before New Zealand courts.

A country of our population is too small and intimate for parental child abuse to be as serious as it seems to be. No child's misbehaviour warrants a violent response. Too often the parents plainly lack the maturity to be entrusted with the care of an infant. Doctors and hospitals should be the first to raise concerns about the parents' competence when they see suspicious injuries or a lack of care.

Police and welfare agencies should not hesitate to remove such children, preferably into the care of responsible relatives but into foster homes if necessary. The "whanau-first" principle espoused in Ms Bennett's paper is a good one as long as her colleague and Maori Party leader Tariana Turia can make it work. But cultural needs are not the most urgent for a child at risk of injury or death.

There is no greater shame in this country than the maiming of children. Drastic steps are required.

EDITORIAL : THE INDEPENDENT, IRELAND

Tax places heavy toll on motorists

Motorists already hard hit by increased fuel prices will suffer more pain soon. Prices will rise again when the carbon tax is raised from €15 per tonne to €25 per tonne in December, and the Government is considering numerous new motorway tolls.

The plight of those -- the great majority -- who have no option but to pay up illustrates the multiple dilemmas in which the Government finds itself in its struggle to find adequate revenue without strangling the economy.

Obviously we have no control over the price of crude oil, but we do have control over the taxation which makes up a huge proportion of the price per litre of the refined fuel. Dermot Jewell of the Consumers' Association puts forward the intriguing idea that the Government should refrain from increasing tax when the price per litre exceeds €1.30.

He also makes a point which must have occurred to every motorist in the country: "The roads are in a disastrous state, and what are we going to get for our money?"

That is certainly true of secondary roads, to say nothing of city streets, and it raises the question of fairness. So does the proposal for more motorway tolls. These motorways have already been paid for -- often with European money -- and the outgoing Government dodged its own responsibilities by leaving them devoid of service areas.

But the greatest difficulty with these and other revenue-raising measures, like the property taxes and water charges still to come, is not the inconvenience of a specific group of people but the effect on the entire economy.

This is outstandingly the case with fuel prices. The effects of increases are felt immediately across the business spectrum. Humbler citizens suffer when the cost of running an average car rises by €84 a month, to €225, in just 24 months.

Meanwhile, efforts to serve other purposes besides revenue-raising can come up against "the law of unintended consequences". In 2008, over €1bn was raised in vehicle registration tax, but this has fallen by two-thirds because people took advantage of a new system designed to reduce carbon emissions.

And much as one may admire Finance Minister Michael Noonan as he struggles to repair the economy, it is worth pointing out that he also needs to undertake a project which his predecessors neglected. We need something we have never had, a genuinely fair and rational taxation system. This is as good a time as any to work on it.

Let's have facts on how the crisis was handled

The Government is contemplating the establishment of a "high-powered" Oireachtas inquiry into the origins of the banking and economic disaster.

This idea deserves, at best, only a cautious and qualified welcome. In the first place, such an inquiry probably cannot take place for at least a year. Before that happens, we will have to have a referendum to overturn a Supreme Court judgment which limited the powers of Oireachtas committees. We also await referendums on children's rights and on the abolition of the Seanad.

Secondly, we have to ask what are our chances of arriving at the truth. Three reports on the subject have been published, but we still do not know who said what to whom on such and such a date and what were the consequences.

And if we do find out the truth in every detail, what then? Advocates of inquisitions like this point to the example of the Dail Public Accounts Committee inquiry into bogus offshore bank accounts. It succeeded brilliantly from the viewpoint of exposure. But when it ended the bankers went back to their bad old ways, and worse.

Still, if this is the best (perhaps the only?) way to get at the facts, so be it. Brian Lenihan, when finance minister, feared frightening children. The wrong approach. It bears any amount of repeating that we the citizens, who must pay for the catastrophe, are entitled to know exactly what caused it.

EDITORIAL : THE AUSTRALIAN, AUSTRALIA

All spin for NBN champions

PROPER analysis would inspire confidence in broadband plan.

Just as it is in comedy, timing is sometimes very important in politics. So it is quite unfortunate for the Gillard government that revelations of its plan to recruit some high-profile "NBN champions" have coincided with sneak previews from former finance minister Lindsay Tanner's book lamenting such stunts. Mr Tanner specifically mentions a business advisory group launched by then prime minister Kevin Rudd, which generated the desired publicity but, in reality, achieved nothing. He cites this as an example of the dumbing-down of politics, where government spin triumphs over substance.

And so today we hear of the "NBN champions" -- a group of prominent people selected by the government to spruik the nation's largest-ever infrastructure project. The NBN will require at least $36 billion of public funding yet was initiated without a proper cost-benefit analysis. Such a study would have ensured that taxpayers received value for money. It would have been a demonstration that the government was committed to substance. This, in turn, would have gone a long way to ensuring public confidence in the project even, perhaps, while it endured the current implementation problems.

We don't know if the "NBN champions" concept was subject to a cost-benefit analysis but we guess not. It's just an attempt to generate good publicity for a project that is fast becoming a political liability. The best way to champion the NBN would have been to do the due diligence in the first place. Instead, we get another example of a government addicted to spin.

Libya impasse emboldens Syria

US and Western resolve is being tested in the Middle East.

Amid the barbaric bloodletting in Syria, claims of direct al-Qa'ida involvement in Yemen and assessments by Admiral Mike Mullen, chairman of the US Joint Chiefs, that the Libyan conflict is stalemated, it is no wonder influential US senators are demanding more decisive action, including targeting Muammar Gaddafi.

Whether US President Barack Obama likes it or not, dealing effectively with Libya is a touchstone of Western resolve in handling the continuing tumult across the Arab world. The likes of Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad are encouraged in their brutal repression by the reality that despite the efforts of the US and the six of its 27 Nato allies who have rallied to the cause, Gaddafi remains in power in Tripoli.

Even UN sanctions appear ineffectual, with new reports claiming Gaddafi has repatriated billions of dollars to Tripoli to be used as a war chest, replicating what Saddam Hussein did before the invasion of Iraq. In the battle with the rebels, there is, as Admiral Mullen says, stalemate, with Gaddafi forces ousted from places like Misratah one day only to resume their bombardment the next.

The influential Republican senator Lindsey Graham argues that the way to end this stalemate is to cut off the head of the snake. He is supported by senator John McCain, who has been at rebel headquarters in Benghazi and argues for the provision of money and weaponry on a scale similar to that given the mujahideen who fought the Soviets in Afghanistan.

Mr Obama has, from the outset, been extremely cautious. After Iraq and Afghanistan, this is understandable. He has ruled out American boots on the ground and is confined by the UN Security Council resolution. But, as Senator McCain has said, even within those parameters there is more the US could do beyond the modest two unmanned predator drones that have now been committed. The White House should rethink its withdrawal of the C-130 gunships and A-10 attack aircraft that proved so effective at the start of the campaign.

The stakes across the Middle East could not be higher. The despicable regime in Damascus, Iran's closest ally and patron of Hezbollah and Hamas, is following Gaddafi's example in killing its opponents indiscriminately while the UN does nothing. Yemen's embattled President Ali Abdullah Saleh, a long-standing Western ally against terrorism, has warned that al-Qa'ida is playing a key role in the uprising against him. Senator McCain has said the ongoing stalemate in Libya would play into al-Qa'ida's hands. Even in Egypt, there is cause for concern. Mohammed Badie, the Muslim Brotherhood's spiritual leader, has predicted it will win 75 per cent of the seats in the forthcoming election, and Gamaa al-Islamiya, an al-Qa'ida affiliate, is fast emerging. The US and its European allies need to show greater leadership and decisiveness. Libya was always going to be a critical test of the West's commitment in dealing with the uprisings across the Arab world. Mr Obama should not shrink from it. Despots everywhere need to know he and the West mean business.

Gillard in China needs to manage the symbiosis

THE Prime Minister's Beijing visit will test diplomatic skills.

Commemorating the 60th anniversary of the Korean War battle of Kapyong, where Australian soldiers fought valiantly against Chinese aggressors, provided a sobering prelude to Julia Gillard's visit to Beijing today. While trade and shared economic interests will be the preferred focus of both countries, security and human rights issues will always provide tension and present pitfalls. The test for the Prime Minister's diplomatic skills is to get the balance right in her private meetings, including with Premier Wen Jiabao, and in her public statements.

The Lowy Institute's public opinion survey underscores the challenge, showing the Australian people have a realistic but wary attitude towards China. Three-quarters of us believe China's economic growth is good for Australia but 44 per cent see China emerging as a military threat in coming decades. Perhaps most problematic for Ms Gillard is the view of more than half the population that Australia allows too much investment from the Asian giant. 

The recent rejection of the proposed Singaporean merger with the Australian Stock Exchange, coming after the collapse of the Chinalco/Rio Tinto deal two years ago, has raised suspicions in Beijing about our openness. Ms Gillard will need to strongly assert Australia's welcoming attitude to Chinese investment, while clearly reserving our right to reject proposals, on a case-by-case basis, if we judge they compromise our national interest. She needs to do this without defining any strict criteria for the national interest test or suggesting it will be invoked eagerly or often. This nuance will require deft diplomacy.

While the Prime Minister might be grateful to be away from domestic political travails, the Chinese might well raise two issues that are troubling her at home. The mining and carbon taxes will exercise China if they are seen to either increase the prices of our resource exports or diminish potential investment in additional capacity. There is an unavoidable paradox here that Ms Gillard will want to step around: she will be assuring China our efforts to put a price on our own pollution will not impede China's energy expansion and, therefore, emissions growth. China's carbon emissions are already 20 times greater than Australia's and they will double by 2025, so the Prime Minister will be grateful for any noises Beijing makes about improving its energy efficiency and reducing the scale of its emissions growth.

On security matters, the Chinese will not have missed the defence focus of Ms Gillard's Japan and South Korea visits, and she must follow this up by registering a firm approach regarding China's maritime posturing and its inability to rein in the recalcitrant North Korean regime. Similarly, the Prime Minister will not want to take a backward step on human rights, although these are adequately addressed in detail through the annual human rights dialogue.

At the core of the Australia-China relationship is a symbiosis of economic interests and a political uneasiness created by our differing democratic values. On the whole, these tensions have been managed adroitly for the past three decades. Stability will be the foundation of increased freedom in China and growing prosperity for both nations.

EDITORIAL : THE NEW STRAITS TIMES, MALAYSIA

 

 

 

Trading in danger

 

THE overseas arrests of 833 mainly young adult Malaysians for drug-related offences in just the few months between late last year and March 31 are a frightening testament to just how many have jumped onto the international drug-trafficking bandwagon. Some "lucky" ones will serve only prison sentences, while others who commit the crime in pro-capital-punishment countries will get death. That's the gamble that comes with the game, and it's a gamble many seem willing to take. The production and supply of illicit drugs is such a lucrative business that, given the right trade environment of strong demand and poor enforcement, might prove a calculable risk to those who have no qualms dealing in these despicable product.

But even though numerous cases have been highlighted of gullible young people who seem to believe in free lunches, it should not be assumed that Malaysians are only bit players in this game. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, in 2009, Malaysia was "at the crossroads" of becoming a major market for amphetamine-type stimulants. And indeed, the US State Department's 2011 International Narcotics Control Strategy Report found that international drug syndicates are increasingly turning to Malaysia for syabu and Ecstasy, while Nigerian and Iranian drug-trafficking organisations are using Kuala Lumpur as a "hub for illegal trafficking". And though previous backers have been from the Asia-Pacific (and, recently, Iran), suspicions that a Mexican cartel could be setting up a satellite hub here are worrying.

As a country whose ancient glory revolved around being an important maritime port between the spice and silk routes, the modern Malaysia is once again in a geographically-convenient spot. The "Malaysia Boleh!" motto represents a strong can-do spirit that has manifested itself through the centuries. That some of that enterprise has also made Malaysians famous for credit-card fraud and wildlife trafficking is unfortunate, but not surprising.

But the drug trade goes beyond the poisons that destroy lives and communities. It brings with it an entire system that is needed to support the business, like money laundering, human trafficking, smuggling and corruption. Drug cartel wars disrupt normal public life and order. The draw of drugs is so strong that seized drugs have, on occasion, disappeared from police evidence lockers -- stolen by those entrusted to uphold the law. At the moment, the drug trade has yet to reach its full criminal potential here. But in this instance, this is one can-do spirit that must be exorcised without hesitation or reservation.

EDITORIAL : THE JAKARTA POST, INDONESIA

KPK under attack

With the war on terrorism far from over, Indonesia has seen mounting attacks on corruption fighters, despite the nationwide acceptance that graft is an extraordinary crime, separate from terrorism. A plan by the House of Representatives to revise Law No. 30/2002 on the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) is widely seen as the latest foray intended to weaken the anticorruption drive.

Sadly, the penchant behind the amendment comes against the backdrop of the prosecution of 25 active and former House politicians implicated in alleged bribery that marred the election of Bank Indonesia (BI) senior deputy governor Miranda Swaray Goeltom in 2004.

Since its inception in 2003, the KPK has altogether prosecuted 42 House politicians involved in eight corruption cases, not to mention high-profile state officials ranging from BI executives to election commissioners.

People with common sense will easily smell the conflict of interest in the House’s move to change the law, which clearly is aimed at downgrading corruption as an ordinary crime and the antigraft body as a regular corruption buster.

Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) has revealed 13 attempts to undermine KPK orchestrated by lawmakers through judicial reviews of the KPK law, which the House itself had approved, and attacks on individual KPK leaders. The latest failed judicial review motion was filed by Golkar politician Hengky Baramuli, one of 25 people named as a suspect in the bribery case related to Miranda’s election.

Among the crucial amendments sought by the politicians are curbs on KPK authorities that they say overlap those of other state institutions, including the right to wiretap people and officials thought to be involved in corruption. Major graft cases have been unveiled after KPK investigators tapped the mobile phones of certain people.

The revision is also focused on the KPK’s zero tolerance on halting investigations, which has so far been key to the commission’s unbeaten run in its battle against corruption. As the existing law does not allow it to give up cases, the KPK will never launch an investigation with neither solid evidence nor confidence the court verdicts go in its favor.

Lawmakers have questioned this policy, as it contradicts the country’s non-discriminative principle of law enforcement. Other law enforcement agencies — the Attorney General’s Office and the National Police — have no hesitation in dropping investigations based on lack of evidence, but this has given room for negotiations that have helped breed corruption and transactional politics.

The KPK arrived just in time — when public faith in state prosecutors and the police was waning. Public confidence in these institutions has certainly remained low, but the KPK has at times provided glimmers of hope for the country’s efforts to cut the cycle of corruption associated with former administrations. The KPK’s presence is justified by the fact that corruption is putting Indonesia’s democracy at risk, as in the case of vote buying practices in regional or national elections.

Several times the KPK has revealed acts of bribery influencing the decisions made by government officials and lawmakers and it’s only about time that the anti-graft commission disclose high-level political processes, such as bribes related to the House endorsement of certain bills — a fact of life in Indonesia that many have sensed but have found difficult to prove.

There is no action other than rhetoric from the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to protect the KPK from potential political harassment.

Acts of terrorism have killed hundreds, but corruption will be responsible for the deaths of millions.

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY TRIBUNE, THE PHILIPPINES

 

 

Which version?

 

Noynoy is getting kudos and wide support for his stand on his announced embrace of what he calls his responsible parenthood measure while the Catholic bishops are up in arms against his preferred policy to curb population in this country.

But it must be asked: Just what kind of bill is Noynoy truly pushing, and just what is it that the bishops are so against?

There are two different bills’ interpretation, one of which is the House’s, known as the Reproductive Health bill, that calls for access to cheap, if not free contraceptives, which would be given by the government through health centers and clinics.

The other, as gleaned from what Noynoy has been saying, is his responsible parenthood policy, wherein government, through health workers, will be providing couples education on family planning through both the natural methods, i.e., the Church-approved methods and the use of contraceptives. There has been no mention of government distribution to couples of free contraceptives.

Noynoy has not been that clear on his announced policy of “responsible parenthood.” But if Noynoy means just mere education on contraceptives and responsible parenting, without providing these contraceptives to poor couples, then curbing the population through this means of mere “education” on how to prevent unwanted pregnancies is going to be a total failure.

It goes this way: A health worker informs and “educates” couples into both natural and artificial methods of preventing unwanted and unplanned pregnancies but offers no contraceptives for the poor couple’s use. It is certain, given this scenario, that since there are no free contraceptives on offer, the “information” and “education” drive on planned parenthood will just go from one ear to the other. Couples will still do what they do, without contraceptives. They can hardly afford to keep on buying birth control pills, or have their spouses or partners use a condom — or even have their wives fitted for an IUD (intrauterine device), which would be the more useful type, as the IUD stays until the time a pregnancy is desired.

In such a case where there are no free contraceptives distributed by government, then the bishops have hardly anything to bitch about the planned parenthood measure that is to be introduced.

In such a case too, Noynoy’s claim that he would support such a bill at the risk of excommunication (which isn’t any risk, however, since the Church cannot excommunicate any Catholic for merely promoting artificial means of contraception) is an empty claim as he won’t be that supportive of providing couples with the artificial contraceptives needed to make the program a success and slowly start curbing the population, which is really up for an explosion in this country.

The Catholic bishops in this country obviously fear a diminution of the Catholic faithful, which is probably why they keep on preaching that line that God so loves the poor. It is the poor in society that keep on reproducing, even when they can no longer provide their children even the food they need to stay healthy and well-nourished. But as their parents are Catholics, their children automatically are baptized as Catholics, even when they are not, and do not become practicing Catholics.

It is also no secret that world-wide, the number of the Catholic faithful is dwindling. In the Philippines, this dwindling number is butressed by the fact that there are much too many Filipino Catholics who have turned to born again religions.

But what is being missed out by the Catholic bishops is that they should not impose on the state policies, but should fight such state policy by convincing their faithful that the Church sanctioned method of preventing pregnancy between couples is the better way.

And leave sin and images of hell and brimstone out of that Catholic preaching. It no longer works.

Even unbaptized babies are no longer relegated to limbo — if ever there was such a place.

As for Noynoy, he should start clarifyng just what his planned parenthood policy is really all about. As of now, it is as vague as his directionless administration.

 

EDITORIAL : THE NEW YORK TIMES, USA

The Guantánamo Papers

The internal documents from the prison in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, published in The Times on Monday were a chilling reminder of the legal and moral disaster that President George W. Bush created there. They describe the chaos, lawlessness and incompetence in his administration’s system for deciding detainees’ guilt or innocence and assessing whether they would be a threat if released.

Innocent men were picked up on the basis of scant or nonexistent evidence and subjected to lengthy detention and often to abuse and torture. Some people were released who later acted against the United States. Inmates who committed suicide were regarded only as a public relations problem. There are seriously dangerous prisoners at Guantánamo who cannot be released but may never get a real trial because the evidence is so tainted.

The torture has stopped. The inmates’ cases have been reviewed. But the detention camp in Cuba remains a festering sore on this country’s global reputation. Hampered by ideologues and cowards in Congress, President Obama has made scant progress in healing it.

Evidence obtained from torture and the uncorroborated whispers of fellow prisoners fill the more than 700 classified documents obtained by The Times and other news organizations. Mohammed al-Qahtani, a Saudi believed to have been an intended participant in the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, was leashed like a dog, sexually humiliated and forced to urinate on himself. Yet claims Mr. Qahtani is said to have made about at least 16 prisoners are cited in their files with no mention of the coercion.

Some assessments relied on innuendo, gossip or information supplied by individuals whose motives were untrustworthy and whose information later proved false. Haji Jalil was captured in 2003 after an Afghan intelligence official said he had taken an “active part” in an ambush that killed American soldiers. He was sent home two years later, an inexcusable delay, after American officials determined that Mr. Jalil had been used to provide cover for the involvement of the intelligence official and others in the attack.

The Obama administration objected to release of the classified documents. The administration notes that the assessments were written between 2002 and early 2009 and that the task force established by Mr. Obama in January 2009 came to different conclusions about some of the remaining 172 prisoners. We accept that caution. But the administration is wrong to insist on secrecy. Inordinate resort to secrecy and resistance to testing evidence in fair and credible legal proceedings put the nation in this fix.

The administration should make its assessments of the remaining Guantánamo detainees public to the extent possible and free lawyers for detainees to fully communicate their clients’ side of the story.

The military commission trial of Khalid Shaikh Mohammed and five other alleged Sept. 11 plotters should be pursued by the Defense Department using only evidence that would pass muster in federal court, and with maximum transparency.

The disaster at Guantánamo Bay is now Mr. Obama’s problem. He should not compound Mr. Bush’s mistakes in his efforts to correct them.

Boeing and the N.L.R.B.

It may be a difficult case to prove, but the complaint filed last month by the National Labor Relations Board against Boeing is a welcome effort to defend workers’ right to collective bargaining.

The N.L.R.B. is accusing the company of setting up a nonunion production line in South Carolina to retaliate against unionized workers in Washington State for striking. The board wants to force Boeing to make all of its new Dreamliner jets in Washington, rather than make 30 percent of them at the new line in Charleston.

The case hinges on proving Boeing’s intent. It is illegal to retaliate against workers for striking — there have been four strikes at the Washington facility since 1989 — or threaten workers in order to discourage strikes. But the company can decide to locate production in South Carolina because it makes business sense and may include “production stability” as a factor in its decision.

Boeing says it wants to diversify its assembly to make it less vulnerable to disruptions caused by potential future strikes. Further complicating the N.L.R.B.’s case, Boeing says opening the line in South Carolina will not lead to layoffs in Washington, where it is adding jobs, too.

The N.L.R.B.’s action lands squarely on an ambiguity in the nation’s labor protections — which enshrine the right to collective bargaining yet allow companies ways to avoid it by going to another state.

Today, 1 out of 13 private sector workers is in a union, down from about 1 in 4 in the early 1970s. Many forces are contributing to this erosion, including globalization and the decline of manufacturing. But one important force is the flight of companies to “right-to-work” states where workers cannot be required to join a union. Currently, unionized workers nationally make 19 percent more than nonunion workers, on average.

The N.L.R.B.’s case rests on statements by Boeing officials that, it believes, prove retaliation. One Boeing executive told The Seattle Times that the main reason to put the new line in South Carolina was “that we cannot afford to have a work stoppage, you know, every three years.”

A hearing before an administrative law judge is scheduled for June. The judge’s decision can be appealed to the full board, and the board’s decision can be appealed in federal court. If the N.L.R.B.’s position is upheld, this case could draw some clearer lines on what businesses can and cannot do to avoid dealing with unions. At the very least, this case will shed light on the business strategies employed by a powerful company to resist unionization.

So Much for That Ounce of Prevention

House Republicans are so bent on blocking any and all aspects of health care reform that they have passed a bill that would eliminate a farsighted program — the Prevention and Public Health Fund — intended to help states and communities prevent diseases. Eliminating the fund would save roughly $16 billion over the course of a decade, a small amount in the context of a trillion-dollar health care reform. The loss to states and local communities would be considerable.

Although most of the health care reforms are devoted to improving care for the sick, the new fund is an important effort to stop people from getting ill — saving lives and money. It would support public health programs to prevent obesity, heart disease, diabetes and cancer, boost vaccination levels, and reduce smoking, among other things. The money could also help state and local health departments build laboratories, bolster their capacity to track epidemics, and train public health workers.

A wide range of health organizations, including the American Cancer Society and the American Heart Association, have signed letters in support of the project. But in floor debate, various Republicans insisted the fund gave too much power to the secretary of health and human services to decide how to distribute the money.

One Republican worried that the fund might be used to support elective abortions, a highly unlikely prospect. Another suggested that the secretary could use the money to buy political advertising on behalf of President Obama and health care reform. That is far-fetched.

The law clearly says the money must be spent for prevention, wellness and public health activities, and Congress can always pass legislation directing the secretary to finance favored programs or blocking spending on programs it opposes.

The point of giving the secretary this guaranteed money was to try to insulate implementation of a crucial element of health reform from the highly politicized annual appropriations process. This latest gambit from the House Republicans shows just why that is so important. The Senate should reject this bill.

Marriage Equality in New York

There are good reasons to believe that legislation legalizing same-sex-marriage in New York State is fated to fare better in Albany’s current legislative session than it did in 2009 when the State Senate voted, 38 to 24, to continue the state’s discriminatory policy of denying gay and lesbian couples the freedom to marry.

Opinion polls show a growing majority of New Yorkers favor marriage equality. And some senators who voted against the bill two years ago have since been replaced by supporters of the bill. To ensure passage, advocates now need to gain the votes of six more senators.

The most heartening new factor, though, is the active involvement of New York’s Democratic governor, Andrew Cuomo. His predecessor, David Paterson, also supported same-sex marriage, but he was too weak and unfocused to get the job done.

With Mr. Cuomo’s encouragement, the state’s most influential gay-rights groups have banded together to form a united front. Working under the guidance of high-level Cuomo aides, their coalition is getting ready to mount an intense and well-financed campaign — including field organizers and a major media blitz — that would focus on about 15 Democratic and Republican lawmakers whose votes are thought to be in play. A seasoned labor and media strategist with close ties to Mr. Cuomo, Jennifer Cunningham, has been tapped to oversee the coalition’s political and media efforts.

These are signs that Mr. Cuomo intends to fulfill his previously stated vow to make a personal push to enact same-sex marriage this year. It will not be an easy or uncontroversial fight, which is all the more reason to applaud his active engagement and apparent willingness to exercise gubernatorial leadership in the cause of fairness for all New York families. 

EDITORIAL : THE GUARDIAN, UK

              

 

Invasive species: Killer shrimps and English parrots

Striped and suitably vicious-looking, a creature, which likes to kill its prey without eating it, has arrived from the Black Sea

 
Dikerogammarus villosus, a visitor to this country so unpopular that even the Environment Agency calls it the killer shrimp, turned up recently in Cardiff Bay and two freshwater reservoirs. It must be the only shrimp in history to have been given its own "wanted" poster by the government. Striped and suitably vicious-looking, the creature, which likes to kill its prey without eating it, has arrived from the Black Sea intent on wiping out northern Europe's rather meeker amphipods. And it is not alone.

Yesterday, it was reported, monk parakeets became the latest invasive species to be targeted by the government. The grey and green birds stand accused of building huge communal nests and causing power blackouts, and the 150 or so that have established themselves in Britain are to be shot (or, if you can offer a secure cage, perhaps rehoused). The much larger population of ring-necked parakeets – a familiar sight in south-west London and found as far north as the Clyde – is harder to control, since it is so well-established, though the GB non-native species secretariat (a sort of biological border patrol) advocates limiting its numbers and is investigating chemical sterilisation.

Is this ecological xenophobia? Take evolutionary theory to its limit and you might think Britain is well-placed to encourage a free for all, with the fittest plants and birds free to survive while others perish. Advocates of open borders and open economies should perhaps not blanch when nature applies the principle of globalisation, too. Homo sapiens arrived in Britain as a migrant about 12,000 years ago and has been bringing new land animals and plants to the country ever since. A diet of purely native species would be unhealthy and limited.

Scientists agree, up to a point. "We must not think that all non-native species are bad," they say. But they also point out that some migrants are far worse than others. There is an official blacklist of invasive non-native species, defined as ones able to damage the "environment, the economy, our health and the way we live". Many thrive here because they lack natural regulation or predators (rather like the global banks that did so much harm in the City). They include such creatures as the African clawed-toad, the leathery sea squirt and the edible dormouse (best served with honey and poppy seeds, according to an ancient Roman recipe). Some, such as the notorious Japanese knotweed, do immense harm. The best response is to limit the arrival and spread of new species. But sometimes eradication is necessary. That's tough for the ruddy duck – an American import culled to 120 birds from 4,400 – but good news, perhaps, for the white-headed duck, otherwise facing extinction.

The Guantánamo files: Tale of two prisons

Guantánamo embodies the failure of the Afghan war, which began amid bombast in 2001, but which collapsed long ago

As a metaphor for everything that has gone wrong with the Afghan war, the story of two prisons is hard to beat. In one prison, they can't get the remaining inmates out. In the other, they can't keep them in. Either way, the military coalition has been left looking like a fool.

In southern Afghanistan yesterday morning, 475 prisoners, almost all said to be Taliban insurgents, escaped through a tunnel that seems to have been dug under the eyes of their captors. And just as the Taliban were digging their way out, the Guardian and the New York Times were putting online leaked documents describing the management of inmates in that other, more famous prison in Guantánamo Bay. President Obama was elected on a promise to close the latter within a year of taking office. Instead he has abandoned the task with 172 inmates still inside. Some of these, as the Guantánamo files show, are seriously unpleasant and dangerous but others are lesser figures who have become lost in the system after years of abuse and misinformation made them impossible to prosecute or simply homeless, like the Chinese Uighur Muslims, who have nowhere to go.

Either way, Guantánamo embodies the failure of America and Britain's Afghan war, which began amid bombast in 2001, but which collapsed long ago into confusion. The thing that stands out from the newly published Guantánamo files is not the disgraceful self-exempted off-shoring of the rule of law, or even the torture and sustained abuse of inmates – grotesque though these things are, we have long known about them – but the random ineffectiveness of the system. The defence put forward by the people who set Guantánamo up – it was an efficient way of keeping the world safe – is shown to be wrong.

Click through the records of the 779 prisoners who have passed through the Guantánamo system, on the Guardian's interactive guide, and you find an unpredictable mix of the evil, the criminal and the accidental. Some of them fought the west, some of them are doing so again and indeed some may be among the prisoners who escaped yesterday in Kandahar. But as we report today, Guantánamo turned out to be a bad way of gathering intelligence and even worse as a system of justice. The files show that a large amount of the information supposedly collected from prisoners has in fact come from a handful of informants among the inmates. Some of the things they have passed on may be true. Other things are surely false. After nine years of operation, it is impossible to know which.

Guantánamo was and still is a dumping ground for all sorts of people, not (as America once claimed) the distillation of its most extreme enemies. Among the leaked files is a guide for interrogators, telling them what to look out for in order to identify terrorists. It reveals a desperate lack of precision, and a system in which it was almost impossible for inmates to convince anyone of their innocence. One supposed sign of terrorist links was a particular kind of Casio watch. Another was the fact that someone had gone to Afghanistan after 2001. Yet among the original detainees was a 14-year-old boy and an 89-year-old man, neither of whom had anything to do with the Taliban. Imprisoned beyond the rule of law, as enemy combatants, they found themselves part of a cruel and surreal system which sustained itself through its own illegitimacy.

As President Obama has found, once someone has entered the Guantánamo system it has proved very difficult to get them out. The nature of their imprisonment and questioning makes prosecution in a federal court all but impossible. The innocent or insignificant were trapped, or only gradually released. The more that is revealed about Guantánamo, the worse it looks as a way of responding to terrorism. It was a symbol of vengeance, not a system of justice. Read the files and find out why.

In praise of … hazy imprecision

Life is imperfect and its rounded edges and knocks from experience have an appeal

We are often exhorted to define our terms and there is merit in that. Ian Richards and Charles Ogden were not indulging in some donnish jeu d'esprit when they wrote their book The Meaning of Meaning, published in 1923 and never out of print since. But at the same time, there are arguments for imprecision and deliberate vagueness too, and perhaps in the end they are more convincing. Life is imperfect and its rounded edges and knocks from experience have an appeal, a humanity lacking in the absolutely upright and austere. There are virtues in the word "maybe". Instead of a sharp No, "later" is kinder to an impatient child. Haziness also reigns over that other kind and gentle world, the English landscape: mist veiling the fells or dusk gathering around lamps in a dusty street. In this strange late April of warm summer weather and few showers, dusty haze has become the predominant feature of the English landscape, city skylines imprecise and rural scenes as soft as Housman's blue remembered hills. There's often merit in a lack of clarity, not least in politics where the demand for absolute answers in no way reflects the reality of life, where equivocation and uncertainty are usually much closer to the truth. Our greatest artists reflect this in paintings such as Turner's composition of 1844, Rain, Steam and Speed. Royal Academicians complained that the master had lost all form in a haze of light. But it is his images which last and inspire new generations. Not theirs.

 

EDITORIAL : THE GLOBAL TIMES, CHINA

Judge scandal dampens image of justice

The latest scandal about bent judges indicates that the country urgently needs to clean up its law enforcement departments.

Nine judges in the city of Zhanjiang, Guangdong Province could not withstand the lure of bribes offered by a "lawsuit broker” and gave in, said a Xinhua News Agency report that grabbed print and Web headlines Monday.

In collusion with the broker, these judges sought profits in the disguise of legal procedures from investigations and trials to executions, all while expertly covering their tracks. Though the broker took the lion’s share of the loot, the deeds of the corrupt judges have influenced their profession’s reputation as a whole.

The crimes of justice officials who deliberately violate the law mean a careful review of China’s judicial system is necessary. If the whistle-blowers cannot abide by the rules they have drafted, how can they expect others to follow the rule of law? The judge scandal has landed a body blow on public confidence toward justice and law. It is widely expected that those judges be severely punished according to law.

On the one hand, China had enacted 236 laws, over 690 administrative regulations and more than 8,600 local statutes that were in force by the end of 2010. As remarked by China's top legislator Wu Bangguo during this year's twin sessions, China has established a socialist system of laws with Chinese characteristics, which has generally suited the needs of the country.

On the other hand, ensuring that laws are strictly enforced and lawbreakers are prosecuted has be-come more pressing. It indicates that China has a long way to go to fully realize the rule of law.

Power corrupts, absolute power corrupts absolutely, noted Sir John Dalberg Acton. In the Zhanjiang case, the lack of effective supervision led corrupt judges to abuse their power.

Many years ago, former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping warned that “We should promote re-form and opening up to the outside world and at the same time strengthen the construction of the legal system.”

But in recent years, judicial reform has lagged behind China’s rapid economic development.

But the abuse of power and corruption of judges, lawyers and procurators in recent years should not allow public confidence toward the establishment of rule of law in China to waver.

The judicial system, as well all of society, should speed up their efforts to adopt more practical measures to supervise the work of judges and the rest of the legal profession.

Family churches should abide by law

Some members of the "Shouwang Church"in Beijing's Haidian district, attempted to hold religious activities on the street during Easter Day, flouting warnings by authorities.

It is the third time that "Shouwang Church"has attempted to forcibly hold illegal outdoor public activities. The head of this organization appealed to its members on the Internet, calling on them not to fear being detained and to continue participating in outdoor gatherings. Western public opinion has supported the organization and accuses the Chinese government of "repressing religious freedom."

Authorities are unwilling to let a confrontation occur between the religious organization and the administration system. With the rapid development of Christianity in China, many "family churches"have appeared, which are generally outside the religious administrative system.

As religious freedom is protected by China’s Constitution, and the family churches take many forms, the government has been cautious in handling these churches.

It must be noted that the problem caused by "family churches"that refuse to join the legitimate Christian "Three- Self Patriotic Movement Committee"has grown more serious. It is not easy to completely solve this issue. If family churches focus on religious belief, avoid conflict with the society and behave in a low-key manner, they would be easily understood.

On the contrary, if they cause trouble for the religious administration, they themselves will be trapped. The "Shouwang Church"located in Beijing's Zhongguancun area, is said to have many intellectual members and its membership is over 1,000. They should understand that such a large religious organization is very sensitive under the current system in China. It is vastly different from a real "family church"that can be held in a house. It is not realistic to deny this point.

Over the years, Chinese society has been cautious in large-scale organization inspection. A church should not become a power which can promote radical change in this sensitive issue. Otherwise, the church is not engaged in religion but in politics, which is not allowed for a church.

Regardless of how members of "Shouwang Church"come together, they should be able to perceive the gradual political discretion. At this politically sensitive time, "Shouwang Church"refuses to cooperate with the state administration and attempts to realize its demands through confrontation, which in fact echoes the political pressure exerted by the West on China. It is far beyond what a church should be able to do.

China is not a perfect country. It lacks experience in managing "family churches"but it is both correct and in accordance with China’s reality to adopt the policy of protecting religious freedom while trying to avoid negative impacts of religion on society.

There has been no sectarian violence in China for many years, which is rare for such a big country. Everyone should cherish the social stability in China.

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY YOMIURI, JAPAN

        

 

Spare no expense for N-plant safety

The Yomiuri Shimbun

Efforts have been made at nuclear power plants across the nation to ramp up safety measures in the wake of the series of serious accidents that occurred at Tokyo Electric Power Co.'s Fukushima No. 1 nuclear plant in the aftermath of the massive tsunami on March 11.

Plant operators reportedly aim to establish safety measures to prevent similar accidents from happening even if a plant is struck by a tsunami with a magnitude exceeding the scale assumed at the time of its design and construction. Compilation of such measures must be finished swiftly.

Such efforts have been made by electric power companies at the behest of the Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry.

The nuclear reactors at the Fukushima plant stopped operating immediately after the temblor occurred. Up to that point, events corresponded to what had been assumed. But events beyond the scope of assumption followed due to the huge tsunami as it became impossible to use the emergency power sources needed to cool the nuclear fuel rods. Some of the rods melted due to overheating and this led to increased pressure inside the reactors, thereby bringing about an emergency involving the leakage of radioactive substances outside the reactors.

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Urgent measures

Based on this, METI called on the utilities to implement urgent measures by the end of this month, including moving the facilities for emergency power sources to higher ground to prevent them from being inundated and installing reserve power supply vehicles.

The ministry also made it mandatory for the power companies to work out operation manuals and hold disaster drills at plants to prepare for extreme emergency scenarios, thereby minimizing the damage should an emergency like one at the Fukushima plant happen.

These are measures to be taken for the time being, but METI should closely and strictly monitor whether such measures are being carried out at plants. If deficiencies are found, the ministry must take such stern measures as shutting down noncompliant plants.

There are a host of issues to be tackled from a medium- and long-term perspective.

One is that the scale of the maximum tsunami assumed at each nuclear plant has not been changed.

Precautionary measures against tsunami have been far from a major focus even in the government's guidelines on anti-earthquake measures for nuclear power stations. The enormous tsunami that hit the Fukushima plant was as high as 15 meters--much higher than the 5.7-meter maximum assumed beforehand.

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Response too late

METI says it will reexamine the guidelines after inspecting the cause of accidents at the plant. But this is too late a response. Chubu Electric Power Co. has announced a plan to build a 15-meter-high anti-tsunami wall around its Hamaoka nuclear plant in Shizuoka Prefecture. The ministry needs to examine whether this is sufficient to ensure safety.

It is also essential to assume a greater scope of damage at each nuclear plant when a serious accident such as a leak of radioactive material happens. It is necessary to reexamine disaster response measures to be taken by the government and business operators in response to such damage assumptions. The measures include evacuating disaster victims and stemming the expansion of damage.

Conventional disaster response measures taken by the government so far have lacked realistic perspective. This is one reason behind the delay in measures taken this time.

Every one of these measures requires huge spending. Kansai Electric Power Co. intends to invest 70 billion yen in bolstering safety measures. The government, for its part, is urged to work out fiscal assistance steps.

Considering the size of damage to be incurred by the occurrence of a nuclear accident, investment in safety measures should not be spared.

DPJ should learn lessons from its election losses

The Yomiuri Shimbun

The second round of this year's unified local elections was conducted Sunday, wrapping up the quadrennial nationwide battles.

The two rounds of campaigning were unusual. Electoral races were postponed in some areas in the aftermath of the cataclysmic March 11 earthquake. Meanwhile, political parties and candidates generally held back from street speeches during their campaigns.

When the votes were counted, it was evident that the ruling Democratic Party of Japan had suffered a setback.

For instance, DPJ-affiliated candidates for governor in Tokyo, Hokkaido and Mie Prefecture were all defeated by candidates with the backing of the leading opposition Liberal Democratic Party. DPJ-ticketed candidates, as well as those endorsed by the party, also fared poorly in 41 prefectural assembly elections and other contests.

The DPJ suffered the humiliation of failing to field a candidate in a by-election for the House of Representatives seat in Aichi Constituency No. 6, which was held at the same time as Sunday's unified races.

The number of candidates who had chosen to run with the DPJ's endorsement was only half of the party's initial numerical target. This was because a number of candidates renounced their status as DPJ-authorized or recommended candidates, apparently disheartened by the flagging popular support ratings for the Cabinet of Prime Minister Naoto Kan and his DPJ.

The DPJ must sincerely accept its electoral setback and calmly analyze the reasons for its unfavorable results.

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Leadership found lacking

The DPJ's defeat was preceded by a series of indecisive responses by the Kan administration in dealing with such affairs as a Chinese fishing boat ramming Japan Coast Guard vessels in waters off the Senkaku Islands in Okinawa Prefecture and the controversy over whether former DPJ President Ichiro Ozawa should appear before the Diet to testify over a political funding scandal.

The situation was exacerbated by the Kan government's failure to minimize the impact of the Great East Japan Earthquake and defuse an ensuing crisis arising from the series of accidents at a crippled nuclear power plant. There is no denying that all this added to voters' distrust of the DPJ-led administration.

During the campaign for the latest quadrennial elections, the Kan government drew fire from the opposition camp for its initial response to the nuclear crisis, as well as its failure to give fishermen's associations and neighboring countries advance notice that radiation-contaminated water would be discharged into the sea.

It will be no easy task for the prime minister to thwart attempts from both inside and outside the DPJ to topple him from power unless he resolutely pulls his administration together.

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Bureaucratic talent untapped

In the first place, the prime minister should work out arrangements by which bureaucrats at each government ministry can bring their abilities and commitment into full play in fulfilling their duties. His adherence to the idea--described by many as "an empty initiative"--of politicians taking the lead in policymaking and other affairs of state discourages bureaucrats from playing an active role. This has left them to sit back and wait for instructions to be given to them by the government.

It is also disturbing that the prime minister has set up too many panels and task forces on reducing the impact of the March 11 disaster. These entities should be consolidated to better address pertinent issues.

This must be complemented by efforts to better finance specific disaster-related government policies. The Kan administration should retract such lavish handouts as the child-rearing allowance program as soon as possible, explaining to the public that a good portion of financial resources accruing from this policy change will be used to rehabilitate quake-hit areas.

Kan and DPJ Secretary General Katsuya Okada have said the political situation should not be disturbed at a time when the nation is still struggling with the massive weight of the quake-tsunami disaster, coupled with the lack of an immediate prospect of success in ending the nuclear crisis.

If they are true to their own word, these leaders must take specific actions to fulfill their duties by, for example, making daring concessions to the opposition parties with the aim of securing their cooperation.

Kan and Okada should act on this. Merely chanting the need to avert turmoil in the current political situation would inevitably allow them to be accused of taking advantage of the disaster to try to keep the current administration alive.

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY MIRROR, SRILANKA

Health service: Let their deaths not be in vain

First it was the revered Professor Senaka Bibile whose Essential Medicines Concept formulated more than 40 years ago was hailed by the World Health Organization (WHO) and is being successfully implemented in more than 100 countries. Tragically his own country, apparently giving into pressure from international power groups including the United States, rejected Prof. Bibile’s much acclaimed policy in 1976 and he had no option but to leave the country. One year later he died prematurely,  a sad man because his own country had rejected a policy to restore a health service where the well-being of the patient is given top priority.

More than 30 years after the death of Prof. Bibile, the same fate last week befell his faithful disciple Prof. Kumariah Balasubramaniam who worked closely with Prof. Bibile for about 30 years and then faithfully continued the work for another 30 years till he tragically died last Tuesday. Like Prof. Bibile, Prof. Balasubramaniam also did not seek personal gain or glory, power, popularity or prestige, wealth or possessions.  Instead they worked selflessly, sincerely, sacrificially and quietly for the common good of all people of all races and religions and of generations to come. Essentially Prof. Bibile, Prof. Balasubramaniam and people’s health rights groups have been proposing structural changes that will take away injustices and restore a patient-friendly health service.

Sadly the Health Ministry in Sri Lanka appears to be more interested or involved in tackling the symptoms rather than diagnosing and treating the root causes of the ills of the health service. One of the main structural flaws in Sri Lanka’s health policy is the lack of a National Medicinal Drugs Policy (NMDP) intended mainly to make quality drugs available to all at affordable prices.

As we have said and repeated often, a comprehensive draft, which will benefit millions of people and generations to come was worked out after a dialogue among all stakeholders and submitted to the Health Ministry as far back as July 2005. This dialogue was presided over by Professor Krishantha Weerasuriya, the WHO's South Asian Regional Advisor on Drug policy. Prof. Balasubramaniam who knew not only the vision and goals but also the heart and mind of Prof. Bibile, played a key role in formulating the NMDP.

The Cabinet approved the NMDP in October 2005 and even the Mahinda Chintanaya, the much quoted policy document of President Mahinda Rajapaksa for the November 2005 elections also pledged to implement Prof. Bibile's essential medicines concept whereby Sri Lanka could also save billions in foreign exchange annually by stopping the import ofthousands of non essential drugs that come under highly expensive brand names. The then Health Minister Nimal Siripala De Silva and the present Minister Maithripala Sirisena have repeatedly promised that legislation to implement the NMDP would be introduced in parliament but as in many other cases the promise has remained a promise and they have not walked the talk. Mr. Sirisena in the latest promise has said the legislation for the NMDP will be introduced in July and we hope he will be more faithful than his predecessor and will be able to resist the massive pressure that comes from vested interests including top ministry officials themselves, transnational drug companies and tragically some medical specialists for whom the legendary parable of the Good Samaritan means little and instead money is the god.

The first step in the NMDP is the appointment of a 12-member Drugs Regulatory Authority comprising eminent medical and pharmacological specialists and a representative of the patients' movement. Two eminent Sri Lankans, Prof. Bibile and Prof. Balasubramaniam have already given their lives to this cause and we hope the Health Ministry will implement their vision and goals as a tribute to two of Sri Lanka's great personalities.