EDITORIAL : THE KHALEEJ TIMES, UAE

Fear and respect are brothers

 

What is it about the human race that it so easily sees extended courtesy as a sign of weakness? One would like to believe that if a you are over twenty one and see yourself as an adult you don’t need to be treated badly before you react, respond or do your job that much better.

 You would think that if someone is gentle and gracious, it is a spur to better production. But again and again the reverse is true. Leniency is seen as something to be exploited and very few people take that attitude as one they should certainly exploit, but do it positively to their advantage.

If you have a freewheeling boss who trusts you, use that time to make a career, not to con him or her.

Regrettably, respect is often predicated on fear and we are trained to work harder, be politer, produce more because that element exists. The carrot often loses to the stick.

This is especially true in the case of command positions. If you decide to extend a certain grace to the individuals who work under you and display that grace through tolerance and faith and certain loping friendliness you often find you are setting yourself up like a coconut. And they will shy something at you. It is incredible and even stupefying to the mind that most people will not only take advantage they will even lose respect. This is a genuine irony. The boss gives them the respect of treating them as mature and responsible and they return the compliment by losing respect for him?

Is it because we are still stuck in the primitive stages of development that we respond best to fear and retribution, reacting to being treated badly by producing instant results, our actions inspired by the need to save our mangy little hides. Evidently, for many of us fear is the key and the gentle approach is seen as ineptitude or unworthy of courtesy.

Be nice to someone and the odds are his behaviour towards you will change. The deference will evaporate, he will become cheeky even insubordinate. But produce fear and be brusque and he will hop like a bunny rabbit.

Again, there is also a secondary fault in the human psyche, one that makes us more comfortable to be led. It offers us a certain security if the person in command is somewhat nastier than us, as if that gives him a certain elevation and we can look up to him. Before I came to Dubai I worked on a paper where the General Manager always spoke gruffly and rudely to his team. Seldom a kind word or a display of trust. One day I couldn’t resist bringing it up. I asked him why he was so rude. What’s with you, I said, that you cannot be civil? He laughed and said, that is your problem, you don’t understand human nature, you don’t get the best out of people because you leave them to their own devices. That is giving too much credit. You think people are sincere, they are conmen, exactly the opposite. They are not afraid of you but this lot jumps when I say jump. What I do is that everyday I allot each one a quota of hassle. Like I’ll give him five hard times today. On a good day I make that three and he is grateful for the reprieve. Now, he respects me and he reacts to the ‘good day.’ What I ensure is that I never make it a hassle free day, that’s the trick.

That’s ghastly, I said, that’s just pathetic, you insult the intelligence.

But it works a lot better than your method of total faith in human nature, he says, you come off easy going and lax, it is the nature of the beast that it will exploit you, conspire, talk behind your back, lose the awe, misunderstand what you call professional courtesy as familiarity and that, in turn, will breed contempt. He went on; why do we admire bosses who are rough with us, why are we so eager to please them, to get some sliver of recognition, it is all fear based.

I have never understood it, even now, nearly twenty-five years later. Why would we exult in being contemptuous of anyone who allows us the freedom of movement and thought in our workplace? Yet, that GM was probably right because the evidence around us is so much in his favour. It is a fact that people like to be treated in a rough manner, it makes them feel more secure. Give them that freedom and they resent it because it demands a much higher level of maturity and as a reaction, they turn spiteful for the onus you have placed on them. Liberty is not a pleasant state.

EDITORIAL : THE KOREA TIMES, SOUTH KOREA

PyeongChang's dream

Turn ski resort into Mecca of Asia’s winter sports

It is reassuring to hear Korea’s plan to host 2018 Winter Olympics received a generally glowing assessment from the IOC. But PyeongChang has already failed twice by allowing the 11th-hour upsets before. Whether it can avoid an embarrassing repetition and finally succeed this time depends on how it fares until the International Olympic Committee’s meeting in Durban, South Africa, on July 6.
During the remaining seven weeks, related officials should try their best to turn their two biggest disadvantages ― Asia as the barren continent for winter sports and the relative obscurity of the would-be host ― into advantages through persuasive arguments. The time has long past for increasingly affluent Asia, especially East Asia, to share the athletic pleasure of the harsh season, nearly monopolized by the West.
The best way to do this is to turn PyeongChang into ``real” Mecca of Asian winter sports ― assuming of course it holds the Games ― instead of leaving the facilities idle after the two-week event is over. It requires the same, and prolonged, commitment from political and business circles as they are now showing to attract the event. And it is also the ways to silence criticism about holding a brief vanity fair at gargantuan cost.
President Lee Myung-bak recently said a third failure would mean a ``national disgrace.” We don’t think so extremely but Lee needs to do at least two things to ensure selection. For PyeongChang to not repeat the ``mysterious” upset defeat by Sochi, Russia, years ago, President Lee needs to do what the then Russian President Vladimir Putin did ― pour his political capital into it earnestly.
At the same time, Lee could portray this peninsula as the land of peace by offering an olive branch to North Korea. Incidents like the naval conflicts of last year at the last moment will be enough to make the decade-long endeavor go up in smoke.

Beef import dilemma

Seeds of trouble were sown three years ago

Korean agricultural officials are in a pretty fix now.
Since 2007, Canada has been pressing Korea to resume imports of its beef products, bilaterally and multilaterally at the World Trade Organization.
The North American country has seen 18 breakouts of mad cow disease since 2003, more than two cases a year on average, with the latest one occurring early this year. Still Canada, like the United States, has been given a positive controlled-risk status by the World Organization for Animal Health. Seoul seems to have few good reasons to discriminate against Canadian beef vis-à-vis American products.
Korea has been importing U.S. beef less than 30 months old since 2008 with strict restrictions on so-called specified risk materials (SRM), referring to byproducts such as internal organs. Seoul is pushing to more easily trace the life records of imported beef and automatically suspend quarantine procedures if another mad cow disease breaks out in Canada. Ottawa is resisting the suspension clause for fear of frequent interruption of shipments.
Seoul’s’ cautiousness is more than justifiable considering the importance of public health and sovereignty of inspection.
The problem is the member countries of the WTO’s dispute settlement panel, mostly beef exporters, are for Canada’s position that the breakout of the bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) need not necessarily halt foreign sales as long as exporters take sufficient care not to include infected meat in outbound shipments. If Korea loses the trade battle, it should open wide the domestic beef market to other exporters such as European and Latin American countries. This is why Seoul has asked the panel to delay the issuance of an interim report to gain time and settle the disputes in bilateral talks.
Even if the nation manages to bring negotiations back to one-on-one and settle it, it would be just a matter of time before other beef exporters file similar complaints and demand equal treatment.
When the ``candlelit protest” swept the country three years ago against the Lee Myung-bak administration’s hurried _ and hushed _ beef import deal with the United States, we worried this would not stop with the U.S. Unfortunately, but inevitably, the concerns have turned into a reality.
Some conservative media outlets, which criticized their progressive colleagues for instigating the public by spreading exaggerated fears about health at the time, are reiterating their accusation, citing Korea has emerged as the largest importer of U.S. beef. President Lee, who apologized not once but twice for neglecting the people’s will, recently asked why none of the protesters and critics have come forth to reflect on their reckless behavior. The politicized prosecution has even been on a belated hunt for protesters, including housewives and students.
But even the U.S. exporters have acknowledged the import surge is attributable to an unprecedented foot-and-mouth disease here, which could have been prevented or at least reduced had the government concentrated its energy instead of chasing demonstrators from three years ago.
Beef vendors say most housewives still shun U.S. products, most of which are bought up by mess halls and other commercial consumers, indicating they have a long way to go before restoring consumers’ trust.
Still U.S. agricultural officials are pledging to step up a trade offensive to make Korea import beef produced from older cattle, which, if proved successful, would soon prompt other exporters to follow America’s initiative, turning Korea into an arena of risky beef products from all over the world.
Pro-government media say trade-dependent Korea can ill afford to give the image of being a beef protectionist. But are Japan and Taiwan, which still limit U.S. beef imports to cattle less than 20 months old, any less dependent on trade than Korea? Why does Australia ban imports of Canadian beef?
All this is a matter of how much respect governments have in their people and their welfare. Mad cow disease’s incubation period is not years but decades. Officials should have their fingers crossed that the much-trumpeted, and equally doubted, economic benefits of Korea-U.S. free agreement will materialize before the first outbreak of BSE here. 

 

EDITORIAL : THE NIGERIAN TRIBUNE, NIGERIA

NYSC 10: A CALL FOR JUSTICE

SOME parts of the North periodically plunge into murderous barbarism. There are sometimes motiveless massacres; people are killed for a kick. The bloodthirsty rioters are not always street-dwelling young toughs. Some workers at the Ahmadu Bello University beat a professor to death over the delay in the implementation of a salary increase in the 1990s. They were not punished for their terrible crime.

MANY people have been getting away with murder in Nigeria. In one city, members of one ethnic group armed themselves when the government failed to protect them. They have been the victims of envious attacks. They fought back the next time they were attacked and prevented the killing of their children and the destruction of their property. The government ordered the surrender of firearms, even those licensed, after this heroic resistance.

THE killings in Plateau State, especially in the Jos area, continue probably because nobody has ever been punished for them. Arrests have sometimes been made, with some of the suspects literally having blood on their hands, but prosecution, the next logical step, especially when strong evidence of guilt exists, has never followed, as far as we know.

THE governor of Plateau State, Mr Jonah Jang, has spoken several times about his frustration and emansculation. Suspects were taken to Abuja, the country’s capital, by the federal authorities and they were reportedly later released. This was not a political matter but a clear case of cold-blooded murder and the suspects should have been allowed to prove their innocence in Plateau State.

THE Special Task Force, the military peacekeepers in Jos, has often been accused of taking sides in the bloody dispute in the area. Indeed, soldiers have been accused of direct involvement in some of the killings and proof was provided in one case: the identity card of a soldier found close to the bodies of murder victims.

FIVE soldiers who were suspiciously close to the scene of  a  lethal attack, but refused to go to the help of the shrieking victims, were arrested on the orders of the military authorities several months ago. Was there an investigation and what was discovered? If the five soldiers behaved unprofessionally, have they been punished?

THE country is more than 95 per cent united in the call for the swift prosecution of those who killed 10 members of the National Youth Service Corps in Bauchi State, Plateau State’s neighbour. Nigerians are also agreed that those found guilty of the murders should be severely punished. This is also what the parents and relations of the victims want; they want the murderers to be brought to justice, though their brutality shows that they belong to the jungle.

THE family members of the victims make the demand for justice when President Goodluck Jonathan received them at the Presidential Villa. Thousands of corps members played an important role in the successful conduct of the April general election. It was a national assignment and most Nigerians and foreigners are of the view that the vast majority of the corps members did not betray the trust of those who appointed them and that of the nation.

PRESIDENT Jonathan announced “a token monetary compensation of N5 million” to be paid immediately, to each bereaved family. The president also promised to give employment to one sibling of each of the 10 victims if he/she has a degree. Injured corps members will have a job waiting for them at the end of their service year.

THE bereaved families were grateful to the president for the compensation and promises. The immediate payment of the compensation must be the first time this has happened in this country. Rulers make promises and they are soon forgotten. The widows of the majors who died in the Ejigbo plane crash in 1992 were each promised a house, but one widow was given the keys to a modest bungalow only a few years ago by a civilian governor. General Ibrahim Babangida, then military president, made the promise and gave the order that the bungalows should be built. The army and the police authorities are quick to eject the dependants of deceased officers from their quarters.

A president is a very busy person, but we are certain that President Jonathan will not forget his promises to the bereaved families and Nigerians, especially the promise to punish those who killed the corps members and the other victims following the announcement of the presidential election result by the Independent National Electoral Commission.

THE panel the president has set up may be able to identify the instigators of the completely unwarranted but murderous violence. There is no doubt the riots were instigated. Illiterate rioters usually unleash indiscriminate violence, but the corps members were targetted.

THE report of the panel when it is submitted to the government should be closely and honestly studied. The reign of impunity, which has encouraged knee-jerk violence in some parts of the country, must be firmly brought to an end.

EDITORIAL : THE NINE O'CLOCK, ROMANIA

Otelul wins title, however…

Despite being in profound crisis for several years, the Romanian world of football still manages to produce surprises. A team from outside Bucharest has won the League I title for the fourth consecutive year. This time it was a team from Galati, where head coach Dorinel Munteanu, an outstanding representative of the golden generation of Romanian football who totaled 134 national team caps, managed to pull veritable miracles. The performance comes just one year after Dan Petrescu, another representative of the golden generation, amazingly managed to bring the title to Urziceni, a small town that never dreamed of appearing on the map of European football.

Starting the season as the underdog, coaching players nobody had heard of, poorly paid, Dorinel Munteanu, FC Koln’s former player, gave a lesson to top dogs Steaua and Dinamo. It was not only a lesson in football but one in character too. Preoccupied more with TV appearances, rows and ad-hominem attacks and less with football or grammar, the owners of the two aforementioned clubs, former glories of Romanian football, did nothing but extend the bleak period Steaua and Dinamo are going through for too long nevertheless.

Apart from their own biases and anger caused by their favorite teams’ failures, the Romanian football fans have no reason to minimize Otelul’s victory, because it is a victory against far too easily accepted myths. It’s an extremely rare victory with slim chances of being repeated. And that is what makes it so beautiful. For that, Dorinel Munteanu and his players deserve congratulations and should be allowed to enjoy the result with their fans. They have all the reasons in the world to do so.

On the other hand however, reservations in what concerns the team’s capacity to represents Romania in the Champions League, where it could meet teams such as FC Barcelona or Real Madrid, have already started to appear. Maybe a little bit too soon. The difference between Otelul’s players and the elite European players has even prompted the club’s president to doubt his team’s chances: “I’m not belittling my players’ work or their value. But the difference between us is far too great, it amounts to decades! We have to be realistic, to stop creating false hopes, to stop selling illusions! This is not an outburst of modesty or hypocrisy. I’m proud of my players, of us, for winning the title but I’m embarrassed to play in the Champions League. If you have common sense you will ask yourself what we are doing playing in the group stages, on Camp Nou, on Bernabeu… Oh, God!” he recently stated for the press.

Dorinel has already asked for 4-5 valuable players but Otelul President Marius Stan claims that Otelul will stick to its strategy of buying cheap and unknown players. And that is because the club’s budget does not surpass EUR 5 M, a significant part of that sum being already spent on the stadium’s floodlight system that was inaugurated several legs before the end of the season.

Indeed, although they can take pride in obtaining a historic win against Juventus Torino (Otelul won at home in the 1988 edition of the UEFA Cup, score 1-0, but went on to lose the return leg in Italy, score 0-5), Otelul Galati cannot pretend to be big champion.

Established in 1964, Otelul Galati entered the top football league 22 years later in 1986. In 1987 it finished on 4th place, qualifying for the UEFA Cup, but the team relegated at the end of the 1988/1989. Returning in the top league in 1991, it managed to qualify for the UEFA Cup in 1997/1998, 1998/1999, 2004/2005 and 2007/2008.

Until now Otelul’s best result in the championship was the 4th place it finished on in 1988, 1997 and 1998. Likewise, Otelul reached the Romanian Cup final in 2004, losing at the hands of Dinamo, score 0-2.

In this context, the team will not be able to perform honorably in the Champions League in the absence of significant investments in players and infrastructure, investments that should be expected from an important group like Arcellor Mittal. The investments would be praiseworthy since this is the last season in which Romania has the right to send a team directly in the Champions League’s group stages. We can only wish them good luck!

EC asks nine Member States,including Romania,to improve safety of railways

The European Commission (EC) has sent a reasoned opinion to nine Member States formally requesting them to fully implement the railway safety directive. Austria, Germany, Lithuania, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Poland, Romania, Sweden and the United Kingdom have so far failed to bring their national legislation into line with this directive although obliged to do so by 24 December 2010. The Commission has set a two-month deadline to remedy the situation, a press release informs. Should these Member States fail to do so, the Commission may refer the cases to the Court of Justice.

Directive 2008/110/EC improves the level of safety of the European rail transport system. It provides a legal basis for a common framework for the maintenance of rolling stock: before a rail vehicle is allowed to be put into service, the body responsible for its maintenance (known as the “entity in charge of maintenance” or ECM) must be identified. For freight wagons, the ECM must be certified according to a system developed by the European Railway Agency and adopted by the Commission on 10 May 2011.

An essential provision of the directive is that the certificate granted to an ECM is valid throughout the European Union. This provision recognises equivalence between the ECMs and intends to increase both the level of safety and the interoperability of railways throughout the EU.

Directive 2008/110/EC has not yet been transposed, or has been transposed only partially, by nine Member States: Austria, Germany, Lithuania, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Poland, Romania, Sweden and United Kingdom.
Failure to implement the directive impacts on the level of safety, posing a potential risk to users of railways. This affects not only those countries that have not implemented Directive 2008/110/EC but the whole European single railway area as well.

EDITORIAL : THE NEW STRAITS TIMES, MALAYSIA

 

 

Domestic dependency

AFTER a two-year freeze on Indonesian maids imposed by Jakarta, Malaysians can now look forward to better days with the signing of an agreement to resume the import and hiring of domestic workers later this month. It is hard to say, however, whether the feeling is mutual. In the two years there has not been any protest from the prospective workers themselves. Rather, for most it is a matter of going to other countries -- Saudi Arabia, for example, has been a popular destination. In a nation that is predominantly Muslim, and wealthy to boot, the holy land has an edge despite the distance. Furthermore, an increase in opportunities brought on by economic development is keeping more Indonesians homebound. And the minimum wage of RM600 per month we fought for is not a big plus factor for people seeking to keep often extended families afloat. The bottom line may, therefore, be less qualified recruits although the prospective agreement is said to provide safeguards to employers as well.

There are already complaints of domestic help who are more hindrance than help and yet, many Malaysian households appear to be crippled without the physical presence of a live-in maid, on call 24/7 and employed at low salaries. What feudal mindset tells us this is a need that must be fulfilled only on our own terms? So insistent is the pressure on the government to open the floodgates on the admission of cheap foreign maids that it gives in, often against its better judgment. The hidden costs of an over-reliance on foreign labour has become more apparent over the years -- in health, crime and other expenditures that accrue from a large and often rootless population of aliens. No developed country will tolerate this situation from a social, economic or political perspective.
Of course, our justification is that we are providing jobs. If this is a genuine intention, then terms and conditions ought to reflect an exemplary commitment. Indeed, during its negotiations, the Human Resources Ministry was often caught between local employers' desire for it to drive a hard bargain and its own pledges to promote and protect workers' rights, including those who have journeyed here to make a living. Malaysians ought to bear in mind that the tap will soon run dry as source countries develop and modernise. The time has come for us to shed the feudal mentality of dependence and create a modern care infrastructure for our children and the aged, then put in place a legal framework that will remove all remnants of unfairness that still colours this issue.

 

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY TRIBUNE, THE PHILIPPINES

 

 

Now it’s a P23-B CCT project

Noy’s favorite Cabinet secretary, Dinky Soliman, since she seems to have cornered the juiciest part of this year’s budget appeared to have gained more favors as the budget for the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD)’s conditional cash transfer (CCT) program was quietly jacked up by P2 billion.

Giving her the benefit of the doubt, nevertheless, Dinky’s P2-billion extra fund went to the program grant presumably to boost the cash being distributed to the poor.

The problem seems to be in the fact that the beneficiaries remained at 2.3 million families that presupposes the program lacked the groundwork to really determine the amount that each of the poor families would get.

Also, her report to the House should have included the progress of the CCT program, particularly the percentage of the targeted families who were already reached since it would appear that most of the cash in the program had already been transferred, the reason for the extra budget and it is not even the middle of the year yet.

The program, thus far, has limited success even in the perception department. A recent Social Weather Stations (SWS) survey showed that Filipinos who classify themselves as poor have even increased to an unprecedented 51 percent of households or 10.4 million families.

With the givens thus far, which were the increase in the allocation of the budget for the CCT reflecting the poor planning that went into it and the perception by many that it had not contributed at all to eradicating poverty as more Filipinos even believe that they became poorer despite the program, a review of it and the possible suspension of the allocations for it is warranted.

Dinky is handling one of the most ambitious and highly-funded programs thus far undertaken by any administration and its undertaking should not be based on face value alone or promises.

A detailed accounting of the funds for the program is warranted particularly as a result of its sudden budgetary increase.

Dinky earlier had promised to post online the list of beneficiaries of the program, a painstaking task but which will make the CCT or its official name Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps) truly transparent.

What is in the DSWD Web site, however, are mere testimonials and photos from one or two supposed beneficiaries and a map pointing to the supposed number of families in a particular province who were provided the cash transfer.

For such a program that receives a major stash of the budget, a bigger degree of transparency should be required.

The experience in the past is that such a huge amount of money left in the hands of government eventually ends up being corrupted in one way or another, either these being pocketed straight away or these ending up used for political purposes.

The CCT, despite all its noble intentions, is intrinsically a political campaign tool and the cash transfers are in nature doleouts despite whatever conditions are attached to it.

Dinky’s department had admitted being short of manpower to thoroughly monitor the beneficiary families compliance with the conditions required of them in exchange for the cash transfer.

The supposed assistance of non-government organizations in the endeavor should also be included in the transparency report regarding the program such as whether these are volunteer work or are being paid for under the program.

If these are paid for, Dinky should also be ready to identify which are these organizations to determine conflict of interest issues due to the fact she has been associated with NGO works in the past and to prevent a recurrence of the Code-NGO scandal.

Dinky should meet the transparency commitment on the program right from the start.

Denying this and the lack of any substantial achievement, the CCT should go under the microscope of Congress and consider its possible termination.

A P23-billion project is not something to leave to chance.

EDITORIAL : THE BANGKOK POST, THAILAND

 

 

Decentralise to save the South

One day before Visakha Bucha Day, two monks were killed instantly in a bomb blast that signified the instigators' continuing attempts to widen religious rift in the violence-torn provinces of southern Thailand.

Since the turmoil erupted in 2004, military might has been the government's main strategy to suppress the violence, but to no avail. In its seventh year and with no ending in sight, the violence has taken more than 4,000 lives, the majority of whom were civilians, while 550 of those killed were soldiers and police officers.

These are not mere statistics. These are fathers and mothers, sons and daughters whose deaths have caused their families unfathomable grief. They left behind more than 2,000 widows and 5,000 orphans to struggle on their own. Meanwhile, more than 7,000 people have been injured and maimed as the protracted violence continues unabated.

The savagery has also been escalating over the years. Victims are beheaded. Car bombs are on the rise. So has the frequency of attacks on temples and monks in a bid to drive a wedge between the Muslim and Buddhist communities.

Since 2006, there have been nearly 30 attacks on monks, killing 9 and injuring nearly 20 others. The atrocity from both sides looks set to continue as the state mounts its violent suppression and the instigators respond in kind in an endless cycle of revenge.

Having wasted 145 billion baht on tackling the turmoil, the government should now admit that military might is no answer for the restive South. The only answer is political decentralisation.

The top-down bureaucracy has caused widespread suffering across the country by siphoning human and natural resources to feed Bangkok and strengthen industrialisation. The anger is specially fierce in the Muslim-dominated South. With their own distinct race, language, and history, the southern Muslims all share the resentment that their motherland is being ravaged by outsiders while administrative powers change hands only among the Bangkok mandarins. This has got to change. If the government wants to restore peace in the deep South, administrative power must be decentralised to allow southern Muslims to work for peace themselves.

There are many models to consider. The National Reform Committee led by former prime minister Anand Panyarachun proposes political and fiscal decentralisation to empower local administration bodies, with active civil society councils as check-and-balance mechanisms. It also proposes land reform and community land ownership to end land rights conflicts between the locals and the state.

Quick to discern local sensitivities, Thaksin Shinawatra, the de facto leader of Pheu Thai Party, has promised to make the three southernmost provinces a special administrative zone if his party wins the general election.

While the reform committee's model aims to wean away central state control and empower localities, Pheu Thai's so-called "Nakhon Pattani" plan seeks to blend locally-elected office with state control: the governor and council members would be elected for four-year terms but village heads and kamnan, who often double as vote canvassers, would remain. The Interior Ministry would also retain power to oversee "Nakhon Pattani". How will this model work to serve the public's best interests? Not only must Pheu Thai clarify this in its election campaigns, but other political parties must also be ready with their southern solutions.

Military might and money dumping does not work. The country desperately needs peace. Decentralise.

 

 

EDITORIAL : THE JAKARTA POST, INDONESIA

 

 

The new ‘priyayis’

May 20 is one of those historical turning points whose significance is more worthy as a sentiment rather than an event. Unlike National Heroes Day, which marks the battle of Surabaya, or Independence Day itself, the value of National Awakening Day is regenerative without being hinged to a particular location or a circumstantial stout act of courage.
Ironically, that is also why National Awakening Day is overlooked with little reverence by generations who have only known it as a page in history books to be memorized. The date was taken to symbolize the spirit of nationhood by young mavericks of the time.
Wahidin Soedirohoesodo was among those who published commentaries in newspapers lamenting the fate of young Indonesians. He then prodded students from across the country like Sutomo, Ki Hajar Dewantara, Douwes Dekker, Cipto Mangunkusumo, M. Goenawan Mangoenkoesoemo, Saroso, R. Kamargo and MM. Mangoenhoesodo to form a group which would help uplift the fate of their fellow indigenous man disenfranchised by the colonial system.
Hence the organization Boedi Oetomo was born on May 20, 1908. One misconception is that while it did stoke the fires of nationalist sentiment and was rightly regarded as the genesis of the independence movement, Boedi Oetomo was not, per say, established to fight colonialism, declare war on the Dutch or create insurgencies.
Boedi Oetomo’s statutes sought equality through development of education, agriculture, culture and science.
Perhaps this backdrop is why National Awakening Day is so diminutive in the minds of our young. It was not a heroic event riddled with the flash of banners and bullets. It was a dawn where the heroes were teachers and intellectuals, not action figures. The 1908 generation comprised the most humble, bravest and truest heroes. For them it was not about putting people down, but uplifting a nation.
Their example is applicable to any generation. Not least the young middle class of 2011.
We are encouraged to witness many young corporate executives in all walks of life rekindle this spirit of activism, voluntarism and altruism by sparing hours of their busy schedule to give back to the community. Whether it is volunteering in charity organizations or taking part in the community. This is the National Awakening spirit which imbued those generations.

But there is also a growing group of the modern well-educated, well-spoken and well-to-do Indonesians who disenfranchise themselves from all the ills that the country represents. The “blah generation” whose ultimate solution to the nation’s problems is just to disconnect from it altogether by engaging in an urban living detached from society’s shortcomings while seeking opportunities abroad for themselves.
The attitude of mind that “this is your problem” and the intent to “find a better place elsewhere”. A culture of blaming everything around them, instead of trying to start good within. One cannot blame these people. The problems of the nation are an exasperating frenzy, where felony and egoism is more profitable than honesty and dignity. And neither can we blame those searching for better high-income benefits, even perhaps outside Indonesia. They have earned the silver spoon fed to them.
But herein is the example of the 1908 generation. They too were almost exclusively of the priyayi (privileged) class. They had everything to lose and nothing to gain by succumbing to their conscience.
They did it because of a calling toward others, a sense of duty from the privileges bestowed which to them were a responsibility rather than a luxury. A conviction of not running away to make life good for themselves, but engaging in simple steps to make this nation better for others.
It is time to rekindle their spirit and awaken ourselves to each other, again.

 

 

 

 

EDITORIAL : THE AUSTRALIAN, AUSTRALIA

 

 

WA budget with a narrative 

TOO many governments in Australia are devoid of a guiding narrative but, as yesterday's West Australian budget demonstrated, Colin Barnett's Liberal-Nationals team is not one of them.

Being understandably disssatisfied about receiving just 68 cents of every dollar of GST revenue generated in his state, Treasurer Christian Porter plunged ahead and increased iron ore royalties by $2 billion over three years. That will have major consequences on both sides of the continent.

In the west, it will allow the state to share the reward of the mining boom with those who have benefited little so far. A $1bn investment in welfare over five years, including $640 million for the efficient non-profit sector, will improve housing for the disabled, build new respite facilities and boost support for carers and the cost-of-living rebate for seniors. Schools will be air-conditioned and mental health services and early intervention child protection programs stepped up.

The biggest loser from the budget is Wayne Swan. Not only did the Treasurer mishandle the Rudd government's proposal for a resources rent tax from the outset, he promised miners that any future royalty increases would be rebated once the Mineral Resource Rent Tax was imposed in July next year -- assuming the legislation passed. If it is, rebating producers to compensate for the increase in royalties in WA will blow a $2bn hole in the federal budget bottom line. Given the fact that WA is being heavily short-changed in its GST receipts, federal Labor would find it extremely problematic, politically, to claw back revenue from the state to make up the shortfall.

Given its vast revenue streams from mining, greater fiscal discipline by the Barnett government would have produced a much larger surplus than $422m, well down on the estimated $784m for the current financial year. Unfortunately, the cost of running the public service will increase by 7.8 per cent by June 30 and utilities charges will rise sharply. The projected 4.5 per cent growth rate, however, is healthy and unemployment will remain low.

Aside from taking its economic destiny into its own hands by increasing royalties, the story of the budget is delivering the social dividend the Liberal-Nationals alliance has promised since it won office. In Mr Porter's words, it was time to harness the boom to "make real changes in peoples' lives."

Dealing with the weakest links 

WITH the government struggling on so many fronts, the biggest threat to Tony Abbott at the moment seems to be from within his own ranks, and a review of his frontbench team's effectiveness would be a prudent move.

He might start with opposition communications spokesman Malcolm Turnbull, who is the most able economic thinker in parliament, and Treasury spokesman Joe Hockey, who has failed to get the better of one of the government's lamest ducks, Wayne Swan. The Opposition Leader must maintain discipline if the Coalition is to remain competitive, and should concentrate on strengthening his policy platform. Mr Hockey is a skilled and personable politician but Treasury is a demanding portfolio and he has struggled to get the better of his opposite number. For the second year running, an insubstantial budget reply speech at the National Press Club gave the government ammunition to use the "Sloppy Joe" nickname. It was little more than a defence of middle-class welfare and we suspect Mr Hockey did not have his heart in it.

Mr Turnbull, who outlined his economic vision, including the need for a new sovereign wealth fund, to the Queensland Press Club yesterday, would provide more intellectual firepower. But after his provocative, even insolent, performance on the ABC's Lateline on Wednesday, Mr Turnbull should consider himself lucky not to have been booted off the opposition front bench by Mr Abbott, his longtime intellectual and ideological rival. By suggesting the best feature of the Coalition climate policy was that it could be terminated easily, Mr Turnbull showed a contemptuous disloyalty that would not be tolerated in others. He drew attention away from a government under pressure back on to the opposition. Mr Turnbull is more popular with the Greens and Labor, but it is Mr Abbott who has captured much of Labor's traditional base.

Mr Turnbull has highlighted the waste in the NBN and should be putting Communications Minister Stephen Conroy under greater pressure over the government's failure to undertake due diligence when hiring NBN chief Mike Quigley from the corruption-ridden Alcatel. Being politically smarter than Mr Turnbull or Mr Hockey, Mr Abbott should pick his moment to reinforce Coalition discipline and sharpen its economic focus.

Rhetoric obscures facts in climate change debate 

GRAND symbolic gestures and the warm inner glow are not the way to forge progress in climate change policy.

When Australia ratified the Kyoto Protocol, for instance, it did not change our policies or emissions one iota. Nor did Kevin Rudd's giant delegation at the Copenhagen Summit lead to any significant changes. The way forward on this issue was always going to be through the hard slog of considered debate and policy work. As The Australian said four years ago: "We believe that an actuarial response based on market solutions, rooted in sound economics, is the sensible response." Despite the shifting moods and alliances of the nation's political leaders, we have maintained consistent support for fact-based, market-driven policies to reduce carbon emissions.

Yet the more reality is injected into the climate policy debate, the greater some temperatures seem to rise. This is a pity, because there have been some promising signs of late that governments are recognising the importance of policy over posturing. Put simply, if we need to abate carbon, we should do it at the cheapest price possible. To do otherwise is to put a needless cost burden on consumers, taxpayers, businesses and the economy.

This is the lesson that Greens leader Bob Brown needs to learn. His one-man crusade against News Limited seems to overlook these principles, which were underscored only yesterday on this page when we pointed out that Tony Abbott's direct action plan would lead to higher costs of abatement than a trading scheme or tax. The problem is that Senator Brown and his Labor and Liberal colleagues have never been brought to account for the range of so-called climate change measures that have abated more money than carbon.

Four years ago, The Australian reported how mandatory Renewable Energy Targets were "mad, bad tokenism" that would simply increase the cost of electricity. While politicians of all hues looked for photo opportunities at windmills and solar panel installations, we looked at the numbers. State governments' subsidies for solar electricity have led to carbon emission reductions at a cost as high as $640 a tonne, or 25 times the price under the carbon pollution reduction scheme (or likely carbon tax rate).

That is why NSW Premier Barry O'Farrell has taken the politically difficult step of retrospectively cutting, by a third, the price paid for electricity generated under the solar bonus scheme. Rather than save the planet, such schemes just drive up electricity prices. And the financial burden does not fall on the inner-city Greens voters who might have taken up these generous offers, but rather on working-class families whose power bills make up a large part of their fixed costs and who could never afford even a subsidised solar electricity kit.

Mr O'Farrell is to be applauded for ending this cost-shifting. If people want to pay for tokenism, they should do so out of their own pockets. Federal Climate Change Minister Greg Combet has also taken action, axing a series of rorts such as green loans and cash for clunkers. All governments should end the costly gimmicks and concentrate on an economically viable, market mechanism for carbon. This alone should drive investment towards the most efficient energy sources.

EDITORIAL : THE BANGKOK POST, THAILAND

 

 

Nation has suffered the death of a giant

The timing of former Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald's death, coming as it did during Queen Elizabeth's state visit to Ireland, highlighted his enormous contribution to the development of modern Ireland.

When Garret, as he was universally known, first became Taoiseach in 1981, the notion of a state visit to this country by the British monarch would have been unthinkable. The Troubles had dragged on year after bloody year for more than a decade and the H-Block hunger strikes were approaching their awful climax. Only two years before, in an appalling violation of the Irish tradition of hospitality, the IRA had murdered Earl Mountbatten, an uncle of the queen's husband the Duke of Edinburgh.

The fact that both governments now judge it to be an appropriate time for Her Majesty to visit this country, the first time a reigning British monarch has been to what is now the Republic of Ireland in a century, shows just how far we have come in the past three decades.

For anyone who doesn't remember the 1970s and 1980s, the transformation that has been wrought to Anglo-Irish relations since then is truly extraordinary. That transformation didn't happen by accident but was the result of years of patient, and at the time largely unrewarded, work by scores of politicians, diplomats, churchmen and others on both sides of the border.

Chief among those was Garret FitzGerald. First as Minister for Foreign Affairs and later as Taoiseach, he worked tirelessly to bring peace to the North. Along with his 1970s cabinet colleague Conor Cruise O'Brien, he toiled ceaselessly at persuading public opinion in the South to accept the reality that Irish unity could only be achieved, and was only worth having, by consent.

When he moved to repair Anglo-Irish relations following Britain's catastrophic mishandling of the hunger strikes and the Charles Haughey government's daft decision to implicitly support Argentina during the 1982 Falklands war, Garret's task seemed an impossible one. In the South his attempts to bring about Anglo-Irish and North-South rapprochement were bitterly opposed by Haughey's Fianna Fail, in the North the IRA was still pursuing its bloody fantasy that Irish unification could be achieved at gunpoint while the unionists were still wedded to "not an inch" and in Britain the Thatcher government refused to countenance the notion that the Irish government should even be accorded a consultative role in the affairs of the North.

Faced with such apparently unpromising conditions most people would have been discouraged from even making the effort. But not Garret, for behind the absent-minded professor exterior lay a steel-hard core. After becoming Taoiseach for the second time in December 1982 he devoted an inordinate proportion of his time and energy to finding ways of extricating the North from the bloody rut in which it was seemingly permanently stuck.

After years of patient effort Garret's efforts were finally rewarded by the December 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement. Although it was widely criticised at the time by both republicans and loyalists, the Anglo-Irish Agreement is now widely acknowledged to have laid the ground for the subsequent peace process, the IRA ceasefire, the Good Friday Agreement and finally the DUP's 2007 decision to share power with Sinn Fein.

Though he would never say so publicly, former IRA chief of staff Martin McGuinness would not now be the North's deputy first minister if it hadn't been for Garret's Trojan efforts in the 1980s.

Ironically, despite his training as an economist, Garret's handling of the economy was far less impressive. However, his achievement in laying the foundations for the peace process and the long-overdue normalisation of Anglo-Irish relations is more than sufficient to mark him out as one of the giants of late 20th century Irish history.

Ar dheis De go raibh a hanam.

EDITORIAL : THE NATIONAL POST, CANADA

 

 

The pedophile next door

Should a homeowner selling his or her house be required to disclose that a sex offender lives across the street? According to an Ontario judge, the answer is: Maybe.
The purchasers of a home in Bracebridge, Ont., recently launched a lawsuit against the sellers, after the buyers learned that a neighbour had been found guilty of possession of child pornography 10 years earlier. The buyers, who have two young children, allege that the sellers, plus the entire neighbourhood, were aware of the man's past, and also claim that they would never have bought the house had they been made aware of this information.
The sellers claim they were unaware of their neighbour's criminal past; and that, even if they were aware, they wouldn't have an obligation to disclose the information, because it doesn't qualify as a hidden or latent property "defect" under the applicable law.
In general, the principle of caveat emptor, or buyer beware, puts the onus on buyers to conduct a reasonable inspection of the dwelling they plan to purchase. But how do buyers uncover the presence of a pedophile in their new neighbourhood -or, for that matter, any threatening human presence? What if a neighbour has psychiatric problems that make him more likely to be violent? What if another is a convicted arsonist? Or keeps large and dangerous dogs?
The list of potential "undesirable elements" is endless, and surely a seller cannot have the responsibility of tracking the behaviour and past of everyone on his or her entire block. Indeed, in the case of speculators, the seller might not even know another soul in the neighbourhood.
In the Bracebridge case, the sellers filed a motion to dismiss the lawsuit, but their motion was rejected because the judge found that it was not "plain and obvious" that the case would fail. Should it ultimately succeed, it would open a Pandora's box for sellers and real estate agents -and create a lot of work for lawyers, who would be hired on by purchasers seeking to back out of deals by tracking down everyone within three blocks who spent a night in jail.
No one relishes the idea of his or her children living in full view of a convicted sex offender. And it is realistic to expect that a family with young children would probably avoid purchasing a home in proximity to a pedophile. But the solution to that particular problem is not to force disclosure by sellers of this or any other facts about their neighbours. It is to oblige the government body in possession of that information -namely, the Canadian correctional system -to provide more information.
Since 2004, Canada has maintained a National Sex Offender Registry. The registry tracks the living situations of offenders after their release, allowing the state to know at all times where they live. Unlike a similar registry in the United States, however, this information is not made accessible to the public, and thus is of no use to prospective homeowners such as the couple in Bracebridge.
The argument for keeping the information confidential is that once these offenders have paid their debt to society, they should be allowed to live in the community as would any other former felon. But pedophilia is not the same as burglary or credit card fraud -otherwise, there would be registries for those criminals as well. While child sex offenders can avoid reoffending by eliminating their contact with children, they generally can never be "cured" of their compulsion. In other words, the attraction to children -and urge to reoffend -remains, and a family would understandably feel uncomfortable living in the presence of a convicted child sex offender.
Putting all of the Canadian registry data online would be excessive: It would instantly put a very specific, public, lifelong mark of Cain on thousands of citizens. (Similar laws in the United States have turned the affected individuals into jobless, isolated pariahs -and in some cases have driven them to homelessness.) A more reasonable compromise would be that prospective homeowners could apply to the government to find out whether a particular neighbourhood contains sex offenders. If the answer to this question is yes, it would then be up to the homeowner to elicit details, as far as they are known to people in the area, from the seller or his neighbours.
By this method, concerned parents can then make informed decisions about where to live, or whom their children can associate with, and sellers will not bear the responsibility for knowing the history of their neighbourhood.

 

EDITORIAL : THE ASHARQ ALAWSAT, SAUDI ARABIA, published in LONDON

Kuwait:"A Sunni hit a Shiite"

The first thing that came to mind whilst I was watching the fight that broke out in the Kuwaiti National Assembly between Sunni and Shiite MPs was a play written by prominent Kuwaiti artist Abdul Hussain Abdul Reda, "Ala Haman, ya Faroun!" [It's on Haman, O Pharaoh!]. During this play, Abdul Reda reads a portion of a book that he claims is "Ajaib al-Zaman Li Ibn al-Zafarani" [Ibn al-Zafarani's Wonders of the Time], to his colleague, the well-known actor Saad al-Faraj.
I imagined that Abdul Reda had returned to read from the same book, saying "…and when the Shiite MP waved his stick in the face of the Sunni MP, the latter became angry…and he lost his mind and hit him." As in the famous play, I imagined Abdul Reda asking al-Faraj "see whether it is written [in the book] that he hit him or not?" Then Saad al-Faraj would reply "no, by God, he hit him…he hit him!" Of course this is no time for jokes, but this is laughter that is bordering on tears; for is it rational – after nearly 50 years of parliamentary work in Kuwait – for the situation to reach the extent of fights breaking out between MPs? Perhaps this could be accepted if it happened 30 years ago, but not today, and not in front of the entire world!
The major problem with the Kuwaiti National Assembly is that the majority of its crises are not over the progress of internal projects, nor do they benefit the people of Kuwait who these MPs represent. Rather, these parliamentary crises are all focused upon foreign policies, which have affected Kuwait, and its international status, and this is not to mention the effect these crises have on Kuwait internally as well. Even if some say that such controversy is the nature of parliaments, and that interpellation is a constitutional right, prudence, awareness, and moderation in utilizing constitutional rights is what distinguishes one democracy from another, and this does not mean acting temperamentally or being overly courteous, but rather showing political awareness. Let us look at the US Congress, for example, for its members do not overreact in utilizing their constitutional right sand tools when facing every crisis or problem. The best example here is the mechanism to impeach and forcibly remove a sitting president. Despite the fact that this is a constitutional right, this is one that is not excessively used in America, and indeed we find some presidents prefer to resign and save face [rather than face impeachment]. This is what happened with former US President Nixon, who was implicated in the infamous Watergate scandal; he was not impeached by Congress but rather chose to resign.
The problem that Kuwait is facing today can be seen in the fact that this is the same parliament that argued over the killing of the terrorist Imad Mughniyeh; they argued over what happened in Bahrain, the situation in Iraq, as well as over Iran. This parliament is also the same parliament that recently called on Kuwait to sever tie with Syria, and this is all extremely strange, for the Kuwait National Assembly is not giving Kuwaiti policies freedom to move according to reality and realistic possibilities. Politics is not moved by slogans, but by reality, and above all else, by interests. Yesterday, a new parliamentary and sectarian crisis broke out over the Kuwaiti detainees in Guantanamo Bay, with one Shiite MP defaming the detainees, describing them as terrorists associated with Al Qaeda, and this was in front of American lawyers [representing the Guantanamo Bay inmates] who were attending the parliamentary session! Therefore we believe that the Kuwait parliamentary controversies are either over foreign policy, or are sectarian in nature, and the most important question that must be asked here is: what about the interests of the ordinary Kuwaiti citizen who wants to improve his life?
The Kuwait National Assembly is not the Arab Parliament, or the Gulf Parliament, and Kuwait is not a superpower that can impose its vision on the world, rather it is in its interests to maintain good international relations based upon non-interference in the internal affairs of other states, and most importantly of all, serve the interests of its own citizens, rather than stumbling from one crisis to the next. This is how Abdul Hussain Abdul Reda's reading of the book "Ajaib al-Zaman Li Ibn al-Zafarani" resulted in a fight…how unfortunate! 

EDITORIAL : THE NEW YORK TIMES, USA

 

 

Peace and Change

We have been waiting for President Obama to lay out his vision of the promises and challenges of the upheaval in the Arab world. His speech on Thursday did not go far enough — there was no game-changing proposal on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict — but he did promise strong support to those yearning for freedom and goaded American allies, including Israel, to take the political risks that are essential for peaceful change and the only way to build a lasting peace.

His strong words about democracy — including references to the “inalienable rights” of all people — were inspiring but balanced with realpolitik. While acknowledging that Bahrain, home of the United States Navy’s Fifth Fleet, is an important ally, he criticized the monarchy for using “mass arrests and brute force” against political opponents.
The two big questions now are: How quickly will Washington deliver promised economic support to the new governments in Egypt and Tunisia? And how much harder is Mr. Obama willing to push Israel and the Palestinians to start serious peace negotiations?
There was much hand-wringing in Israel over the president’s call for a two-state solution based on “the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps.” The language was new, but it was not a major change in American policy. It must not become another excuse for inaction.
When Mr. Obama meets with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel on Friday, he needs to be even blunter about how a continued stalemate is not in Israel’s interest and will only feed extremism.
Mr. Obama raised high expectations in 2009 when he promised a “new beginning” with the Arab world. That ardor cooled as Middle East peace talks stalled, and Mr. Obama stuck too long with Hosni Mubarak of Egypt. On Thursday, he correctly identified the source of the region’s unrest — “power has been concentrated in the hands of the few” — and he went on to say that “societies held together by fear and repression may offer the illusion of stability for a time,” but will eventually tear asunder.
The success of the Arab Spring depends in large part on what happens in Egypt, the largest Arab state, and Tunisia, where the uprisings started. Political reforms are essential, but so are jobs. Mr. Obama promised both countries desperately needed economic help — $2 billion to Egypt alone. He and other leaders have to work hard to fulfill promises of expanded trade and investment.
The administration is finally getting tougher with Syria. On Wednesday, it imposed sanctions on President Bashar al-Assad and six others. In his speech, Mr. Obama still offered the Syrian leader a choice when it comes to reform: “He can lead that transition, or get out of the way.” Nobody thinks Mr. Assad can produce reform even if he wants to. But insisting that he leave power isn’t realistic, although continued pressure could change that.
We share Mr. Obama’s frustration over the stalled peace process — and his administration’s failed efforts to get a deal. Those frustrations are only going to get worse. When Mr. Netanyahu addresses Congress next week, he will likely repeat all of the reasons why Israel cannot make the necessary concessions. In September, President Mahmoud Abbas of the Palestinian Authority — who appears to have given up on negotiations — is expected to ask the United Nations General Assembly to recognize a Palestinian state.
Mr. Obama was right to warn the Palestinians that such symbolic actions “won’t create an independent state.” But the vote would also isolate Israel and the United States. Washington and its allies need to put a map on the table and challenge both sides to resume negotiations. That is the best chance for breaking the stalemate and the best chance for peace. 

The Truth About Upper Big Branch

An inquiry by the state of West Virginia into the Upper Big Branch Mine explosion that killed 29 workers has found the mine’s owner, Massey Energy, “profoundly reckless” in elevating its drive to produce profits above worker safety. Pervasive safety violations — from shoddy ventilation to slapdash control of explosive coal dust — made the mine “an accident waiting to happen,” according to a panel of experts reporting to the governor’s office.

“I’m set up to fail here,” one miner wrote in his work notes two weeks before the tragedy. He despaired at being one of only two part-time “rock dusters” tasked with controlling the mine’s volatile coal dust — a lethal problem for which company records showed a backlog of hundreds of safety work orders.
Massey has denied culpability and attributed the explosion to an unpreventable surge of underground methane gas. Investigators rejected that claim and the state report convincingly traces the disaster through a chain of neglect, while accusing the company of building “a culture in which wrongdoing became acceptable.”
A federal investigation has already led to the criminal indictment of the mine’s security chief, who was charged with lying to federal investigators and attempting to dispose of evidence. The Obama administration has toughened regulatory oversight, demanding rigorous inspections and heavy penalties for offending mining companies. But the state report underlines the urgent need for far stronger safety laws. House Republicans and coal-state Democrats dedicated to Big Coal have refused to move on any sensible legislation.
Miners need whistle-blower protection to raise the alarm about dangerous conditions without fear of losing their livelihoods. Congress should make it a felony to alert managers that mine inspectors are on the way. Serial violators like Massey must face the strongest penalties, and the cynical gaming of safety violations with endless appeals must finally end. Hesitant lawmakers claim they need a fuller sense of what happened in the tragedy. They should face up to the 126-page report’s finding that the Upper Big Branch tragedy is a “tale of hubris.”

 

Here’s a Great Place to Cut

It seems hard to believe, but the federal farm subsidy program — wasteful, inefficient and virtually indestructible — may at last be headed for serious downsizing.

Our hopes have been dashed before, most recently when the farm lobby and its Congressional patrons shredded admirable reforms proposed by President George W. Bush. Now an alliance of conservative Republicans eager to cut the deficit and liberal Democrats opposed to corporate welfare is seeking ways to trim the subsidies.

The farm program has evolved from a New Deal safety net for Depression-era farmers into a $15 billion-a-year goody-bag of direct payments, disaster insurance programs, low-cost loans and other subsidies — with a smaller investment in conservation programs.

The most indefensible are $5 billion a year in direct payments, which flow to farmers in good times and bad and are awarded disproportionately to the growers of big row crops like corn, soybeans and wheat. “If we can’t figure out a way at this point to trim these payments, then it is just embarrassing,” said Representative Ron Kind, a Democratic from Wisconsin who has long fought farm subsidies. The bigger news is that another Wisconsin legislator, Representative Paul Ryan — the Republicans’ leading champion of budget-cutting — agrees with him.

Mr. Ryan’s budget blueprint for the coming fiscal year would take $30 billion from the farm program over the next decade, mainly from direct payments. He would apply the savings to deficit reduction. A better idea would be to use some for that purpose and some for conservation programs, to encourage farmers to protect sensitive open space or remove it from production.

In the Senate, Debbie Stabenow of Michigan and Richard Durbin of Illinois have both told their local farm bureaus to expect cuts. Even more surprising, and equally welcome, is the news that the cherished 45-cent-per-gallon subsidy for corn ethanol may also be endangered. The subsidy costs the Treasury more than $5 billion in foregone revenues; the Government Accountability Office has said that ethanol can flourish without it. It is as superfluous as the direct payments program. Both need to go.

They Need to Be Counted

It was a relief to see one politician showing political courage and sense in Albany this week. Of course, that politician was Mayor Michael Bloomberg of New York City and not a state lawmaker. But every bit helps.

Mr. Bloomberg went to Albany to press Senate Republicans to vote to legalize same-sex marriage. He warned that “the longer the Senate obstructs marriage equality, the heavier the price they will pay not only in the history books, but at the polls.” And he promised to put his cash and clout behind any senator who backed the legislation “no matter where they stand on any other issue.”

We hope the senators were listening. We hope Gov. Andrew Cuomo was also paying close attention. Mr. Cuomo says the state’s same-sex couples should be given the right to marry, but he wants to hold back the vote until he is sure the bill will pass — a position supported by some advocates for gay rights. That’s the wrong decision.

The issue is so important that it deserves a full debate and vote in the Legislature. New Yorkers should know who will stand up for this basic civil right and who won’t.

The Assembly is expected to pass the bill again this year with bipartisan support. It was defeated in the Senate in 2009. And right now it is probably six votes short of the 32 needed: 26 Democrats are in favor, four have indicated that they will vote no and nary a Republican senator has promised a yes vote. Until a bill is brought to the floor, they will be able to bob and weave and waffle.

Same-sex marriage is legal in five states and the District of Columbia. There is no reason, except prejudice, that New York is not on that list. Mr. Cuomo and leaders of both houses need to press for a vote before the Legislature adjourns on June 20. Mr. Cuomo needs to use all of his own political clout to ensure it passes.

No matter what the final count, the vote needs to happen. As Mayor Bloomberg declared, “The public has a right to know where their legislators stand.”

 

 

EDITORIAL : THE GLOBAL TIMES, CHINA

 

 

Small steps forward for Sino-US military ties

 

Chen Bingde, Chief of the General Staff of the PLA, told his American counterpart during a press conference in Washington on Wednesday that the US is too arrogant. It is rare for a senior Chinese military officer to speak out so openly, especially when on US soil. However, this is a positive sign of the military communication between the two governments. This progress did not come out of nowhere. The two militaries have followed a long and winding path, full of twists and turns.

When issues break out between China and the US, military ties are often the first to be severed and last to be mended. Compared to mutual exchanges in economics, trade, politics and social aspects, Sino-US military communication has appeared rather limited, but there have been many small steps taken in the regard.

Examples of this lie in non-strategic mechanisms, such as a military hotline, exchanges of junior military officers and logistic communication. It is these small successes that make military ties more resilient.

The bilateral military ties are actually not as fragile as some hawks imagine them to be. A series of clashes in the past, from the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Yugoslavia, to the crisis over the Taiwan Straits and the espionage plane collision over South China Sea, have forced both sides to work out a set of mechanisms to prevent incidents from spiraling out of control.

This is ultimately the result of a rational choice between the two sides. When an all-out war was ruled out by the advent of the nuclear era, diplomatic bickering, strategic threats and even military conflict could be reined in.
The bloody wrangling between powers in history must be avoided. If these two militaries can move toward building strategic trust, they can be an example to the world of today, and to make history.

Chen's remarks also serve as a reminder to US military hawks that they need to abandon their arrogant mindset and contradictory actions such as arms sales to Taiwan. Such simplistic politically driven calls by the US will make it difficult to dispel distrust.  Sino-US military communication must take small but forward steps. It will take patience and bravery, but it is necessary.

 

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY YOMIURI, JAPAN

 

 

Ending the prolonged civil war in Libya

The Yomiuri Shimbun

Two months have passed since coalition forces led by the United States, Britain and France militarily intervened in Libya, where civic demonstrations against the autocratic rule of Libyan leader Moammar Gaddafi have developed into a civil war.

Gaddafi's one-man rule was expected to end, but instead he remains in power and shows no signs of stopping his forces' attacks on antigovernment rebels. The effectiveness of the coalition forces commanded by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization has come into question.

The initial aim of the coalition was to protect civilians from attacks by Gaddafi's forces. To this end, the U.N. Security Council authorized "all necessary measures" against the regime, excluding the insertion of ground forces in any part of Libyan territory.

Partly due to the coalition's air strikes against air bases and tanks of the Gaddafi regime, the fall of Benghazi, a key stronghold held by the opposition forces, and the massacre of citizens by Gaddafi's forces were averted. Yet, a seesaw battle for supremacy continues between Gaddafi's forces and antigovernment rebels.

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Coalition called ineffective

Some people criticize the NATO operation as merely shoring up the rebels, whose military strength and equipment are inferior to those of Gaddafi's forces.

Should this internal strife drag on, the death toll will continue rising. The legitimacy of NATO's military intervention may also be undermined.

If NATO attempts to inject ground forces to effect a breakthrough, it will need a new U.N. Security Council resolution.

But there is no possibility that China and Russia, which have veto power in the council, will approve a full-scale military intervention aimed at toppling Gaddafi's regime.

Most importantly, the United States-- which has few reserve forces due to its involvement in Afghanistan and Iraq--is unenthusiastic about the idea. U.S. President Barack Obama has repeatedly said the United States is not seeking to overthrow the Gaddafi regime.

Both France and Britain are keen to see a regime change in Libya. Yet they are not powerful enough to carry out such an operation without the United States.

As long as there are significant gaps in the positions of Western countries toward intervention in Libya, it will be difficult to break the current deadlock with heightened military intervention.

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International mediation?

It might be possible to end the civil war through international mediation. Yet this too would be difficult to realize under the current situation, in which military intervention aimed at humanitarian assistance is on the wane and more and more assistance is being rendered to one side in the civil war.

There is also the question of how the Libyan situation will be influenced by the latest request from the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, seeking an arrest warrant for Gaddafi on suspicion of crimes against humanity.

There is fear that Gaddafi may dig in his defenses, believing his ability to back down has been cut off by the call for an inquest.

The prolonged civil strife in Libya will also discourage calls for democracy now spreading among Arab nations. The administration of Syrian President Bashar Assad is continuing its crackdown on antigovernment demonstrators, and Assad likely believes the United States, Britain and France, already stalemated by their military intervention in Libya, cannot afford to intervene in his nation.

Western countries must urgently rethink their strategy on Libya.

Revitalize tourism industry by promoting 'safe Japan' to world

The Yomiuri Shimbun

The nation's tourism industry has been hard hit by the Great East Japan Earthquake and the nuclear crisis at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant operated by Tokyo Electric Power Co.

Although the mood of excessive self-restraint has been easing, quite a few people still refrain from traveling, and the number of foreign tourists has decreased sharply.

Leaving the situation as it is would threaten the growth strategy of revitalizing the economy by promoting tourism.

To recover Japan's image and attract foreign tourists back to the country, the government and the private sector need to join hands to revitalize tourism.

This year's Golden Week, a 10-day holiday period for many people, was dubbed a "cheap, near and short" type. People flocked to sightseeing spots that were near their homes.

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Fewer visitors at tourism spots

In the Tokyo metropolitan area, such places as Hakonemachi, Kanagawa Prefecture, and Nikko, Tochigi Prefecture, attracted relatively many visitors. However, many sightseeing spots, including those in the Tohoku region, generally failed to see their previous numbers of visitors.

In Matsushima, Miyagi Prefecture, known as one of Japan's three most scenic spots, Matsushimamachi relaunched its sightseeing cruises in Matsushima Bay during the Golden Week period. However, the number of visitors was around one-fourth of that in the same period of a regular year.

East Japan Railway Co., whose business area covers the Tohoku and Kanto regions, saw a 30-percent decline in its business from the same period a year before.

Especially serious is the low number of foreign tourists. The number of visitors from abroad in March was about 350,000, a 50 percent reduction from a year before. Group tours, international conferences and various events were canceled one after another.

Responses by TEPCO and the government to the nuclear crisis in Fukushima Prefecture caused a still-lingering distrust in foreign countries toward Japan.

To begin with, it is important for the country to give accurate information to the world about the current status of the crisis and steps toward stabilizing the situation. After doing this, the government must show the world that the nation's sightseeing spots are safe.

A tourism ministers' meeting of Japan, China and South Korea to be held in late May will be a good chance to publicize Japan's tourism spots as safe destinations.

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Promote Japan abroad

The effects of information circulated by word of mouth cannot be ignored when travelers decide on destinations. Therefore, it is also necessary for Japan to ask overseas media and travel bloggers to publicize attractive Japanese sightseeing spots.

To dispel the rumor that "Everywhere in Japan is scary due to radiation," it may help if we Japanese ourselves show the world that we enjoy sightseeing at home.

Japan Airlines and All Nippon Airways will offer major discounts in their airfares for the first time in the Bon season in August, a busy season. Travel companies are advertising plans for long-stay type tours targeting customers of companies that have decided or will decide to set longer-than-usual summer holiday periods to cope with an expected power shortage. We hope companies in the tourism industry will rack their brains to come up with plans and set prices attractive to many tourists.

The three major Tohoku summer festivals--Nebuta Matsuri in Aomori, Kanto Matsuri in Akita and Tanabata Matsuri in Sendai--will be held in early August. And Hiraizumicho, Iwate Prefecture, known for the Konjikido golden pavilion of Chusonji temple, will most likely be registered as a World Heritage Site.

The charms of the Tohoku region will grow in the coming months. Let us help the region's restoration efforts by revitalizing tourism.