EDITORIAL : THE CHINA DAILY, CHINA

          

 

Oil spill impacts

Judging from what we have heard from the State Oceanic Administration (SOA), the China National Offshore Oil Corp (CNOOC) may be correct in claiming that the scope and impacts of the spill at Penglai 19-3 oilfield in the Bohai Sea are incomparable with the notorious Gulf of Mexico oil rig disaster, yet they appear much bigger than it claimed.

A spill of 2,000 square meters, which is the size the CNOOC previously said, is in stark contrast with media reports of one that is "3 kilometers long and 20 to 30 meters wide", or the SOA's official account of 840 sq km of seriously polluted sea water.

We would like to believe the SOA assurance that the spill is now under "effective control". However, its concurrent confession of "minor leakage" at drilling platforms B and C sets us wondering to what extent the control is effective.

Perhaps we should demonstrate more patience and allow more time for a thorough and reliable conclusion about the cause and effect of the accident. But the approach of the CNOOC, who owns and operates the structures with an American partner, to a matter of serious public concern is inappropriate. Perhaps from CNOOC's perspective, telling the public what happened, as well as what has been, is being, and will be done to stop the leaks might be too technical for a lay audience, and is thus of little help. But that is no excuse to brush aside the concerns that have been aired.

For one thing, as a listed company, the CNOOC has an obligation to share information. At the very least, shareholders should not be kept in the dark. The CNOOC as a State firm has a special duty and obligation to protect national and public interests, in addition to its normal corporate responsibilities.

The oil spill in the Bohai waters constitutes a clear and present environmental hazard with unfathomable consequences. As an internal sea, the already seriously contaminated Bohai Sea's self-cleaning capabilities are very weak.

If there has been any exaggeration of the impacts, it is primarily an outcome of the CNOOC's reluctance to share, if not withholding, information. There was a two-week time lag between media exposure of the spill and the CNOOC's confirmation. The obvious contradiction between its initial denial and media disclosures guaranteed that people would speculate.

The SOA said all three provinces and one municipality along the Bohai Bay were informed of the accident in a timely manner. But previous media reports quoted at least one local government as saying they had received no notice.

Besides clearing the current spill and public relations debris, the ambitious maritime oil driller must reflect on its safety guarantee mechanisms and take proper precautions to make sure something like this does not happen again.

Challenges facing Yingluck

What a change in the political landscape in Thailand, with Yingluck Shinawatra now poised to become the country's first female prime minister after her opposition Puea Thai party won more than half the seats in parliament on Sunday.

Yingluck has already made it clear that social reconciliation is one of the main priorities on her agenda, and one of many challenges she must deal with is restoring political stability in her country.

Only a day after its victory, Puea Thai has made the wise move of forming a coalition with four smaller parties in order to get the solid support they need within the parliament.

But it is crucial for Yingluck to quickly move out from under the shadow of her elder brother, Thaksin, the country's most divisive personality, and one who many believe is the de facto leader of Puea Thai.

Thaksin is currently in exile in Dubai to avoid a two-year prison sentence on corruption charges.

Puea Thai's supporters, the so-called red shirts, are mainly the rural and urban poor, while the defeated Democrat Party is backed by the social and political elites.

The tension between the two parties reflects the deep divisions within Thai society, and these will only become wider if Thaksin returns under a Puea Thai push for political amnesty, an early campaign proposal.

Although Puea Thai later stated it did not support an amnesty, and Yingluck is now trying to distance herself from her brother, insisting that she is not his "clone" and can make decisions on her own.

The prime minister-in-waiting and her party still have to reach an understanding with the military, and a legal tussle may be another stumbling block to Puea Thai assuming power.

A leader of an anti red-shirt network has filed a petition with the Department of Special Investigation against Yingluck, asking that she be charged with perjury for giving a false statement regarding Thaksin's assets.

The Supreme Court last year seized billions of Thaksin's assets, which were alleged to be of questionable origin. The court dismissed testimonies by Yingluck and other defense witnesses as unconvincing.

Yingluck may need to clear her name by placing her financial connections with her elder brother under public scrutiny.

On the foreign front, the incoming Puea Thai government will have to tread carefully but sure-footedly to solve the protracted border dispute with Cambodia.

Yingluck, 44, a business woman with no political experience, will have to pass tough tests before proving herself an able leader of a country whose political fortunes have been in almost constant flux in the last few years.

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY YOMIURI, JAPAN

        

 

Attention, Diet members: Stop wasting time

The Yomiuri Shimbun

The stalled Diet session will finally resume deliberations on Wednesday. The ruling Democratic Party of Japan and the two major opposition parties--the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito--have agreed to get the Diet back to normal.

The Diet, since it decided on June 22 to extend its current session by 70 days, has not held any deliberations. So what is the extension for? The government and the ruling parties should seriously reflect on that.

Prime Minister Naoto Kan is primarily responsible for the stalled Diet. Kan reneged on the idea--agreed on earlier by the secretaries general of the DPJ, the LDP and Komeito--of extending the Diet session by just 50 days to pass or vote on three key bills, including the second supplementary budget for fiscal 2011.

Kan did not call on the opposition camp to resume the Diet deliberation strongly enough. This is apparently due to his guilty feelings over having appointed an LDP member in the House of Councillors as parliamentary secretary for internal affairs and communications, as if he were scheming to win over members of the opposition party one at a time.

Kan also hinted at the possibility of his dissolving the House of Representatives for a snap election by saying that "energy policy will be the biggest point of contention in the next national election."

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Politics going nowhere

This self-righteous political style has created a political vacuum and amplified the people's distrust of politics.

According to a recent public opinion poll taken by The Yomiuri Shimbun, 66 percent of pollees sense "stagnation in politics." In regards to when they hope to see Kan step down, a combined total of 72 percent said either "as soon as possible," or "by the end of August."

Ryu Matsumoto, newly appointed by Kan as reconstruction minister, has also caused a stir. During a weekend visit to disaster-hit areas, Matsumoto repeatedly made high-handed remarks. After Matsumoto waited for a prefectural governor to appear in a reception room, he told the governor, "When a guest comes, you have to be present." If he thinks he is a "guest," he is wrong in his judgment.

No matter how feckless it is, the administration should not waste any more time doing nothing.

It is vitally important for the government and the ruling parties to seek cooperation of the opposition parties on high-priority policies and swiftly implement them.

DPJ Secretary General Katsuya Okada once again called on the LDP and Komeito to cooperate in the early enactment of a bill for a temporary law to allow the issuance of deficit-covering special public bonds, which Kan cited as one of the conditions for him to resign.

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Listen to opposition

Both the LDP and Komeito call for a drastic review of the child-rearing allowances and the settlement of the issue of how to secure state funds for basic pension benefits this fiscal year, as part of those funds have been diverted for reconstruction purposes in the first extra budget for fiscal 2011.

What the opposition parties are asserting is quite reasonable in the sense of holding down the deficit-covering special public bonds as much as possible.

To secure funds for reconstruction, the DPJ must retract nonessential policies contained in its manifesto.

A matter of particular urgency is relief for victims of the accidents at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, rather than "a bill concerning special measures on renewable energy sources," whose enactment Kan insists on. The legislators need to start deliberating a bill concerning a nuclear damage compensation support organization, to be created to pay compensation to victims.

The LDP wants to modify the bill to clarify the responsibility of the central government, rather than merely holding Tokyo Electric Power Co., the operator of the crippled plant, responsible for the damages.

Both ruling and opposition parties need to reach an agreement and try to get the bill passed into law.

China must show reciprocity through diplomatic action

The Yomiuri Shimbun

It was good that the Japanese and Chinese foreign ministers frankly discussed a range of issues, but little progress has been made in resolving several pending issues--including China's maritime activities.

Foreign Minister Takeaki Matsumoto and his Chinese counterpart, Yang Jiechi, held a meeting in Beijing on Monday and agreed China would send a trade and investment mission to Japan as part of efforts to support Japan's reconstruction from the Great East Japan Earthquake. They also agreed to bolster bilateral exchanges ahead of next year's 40th anniversary of the normalization of bilateral relations.

During their meeting in May, Prime Minister Naoto Kan and Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao confirmed the need for deepening "strategic and mutually beneficial" ties. The foreign ministers' meeting Monday was supposed to be the first step toward that goal. However, we have to say that it brought about only meager results.

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Early resumption of talks vital

Matsumoto called for the early resumption of negotiations on a treaty covering joint development of gas fields in the East China Sea. Yang avoided giving a clear commitment, merely saying that "working-level preparations will be made to resume the talks."

China unilaterally suspended negotiations over the signing of the treaty in retaliation against the arrest of the captain of a Chinese trawler that collided with two Japan Coast Guard patrol boats off the Senkaku Islands last September. To help restore the bilateral relations that soured due to this incident, we think China should comply with the Japanese request for an early resumption of the negotiations.

Concerning Chinese maritime activities that have caused friction with its neighboring nations, Matsumoto urged China to exercise self-restraint to prevent these tensions from escalating. Yang only said, "Disputes between two countries should be resolved peacefully between them."

To draw favorable responses from Beijing, the government needs to press China tenaciously in cooperation with the United States and Southeast Asian countries.

Matsumoto also called for the establishment of a multilayered crisis management mechanism to prevent any accidental contact of vessels from spiraling into a crisis. This is intended to defuse potential trouble involving Chinese naval ships, maritime observation vessels and fishing patrol boats.

This proposal is reasonable and should be implemented as early as possible.

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Stable govt key to diplomacy

The ministers did not reach an agreement on a concrete timetable for the fourth ministerial-level economic dialogue scheduled for this summer.

Repeatedly holding working-level dialogue could deepen bilateral trust and benefit both sides. Beijing's negative attitude toward even such dialogue raises doubts about whether it is seriously committed to promoting "mutually beneficial" ties with Japan.

China, for its part, might be intending to postpone full-scale negotiations on principal issues until after the Kan administration is replaced. With the Kan-led government in its final throes, we cannot help but recognize the increasing difficulty in promoting diplomacy vis-a-vis China.

Japan needs to have a stable government to maintain continuity during negotiations with foreign countries on key diplomatic issues.

Kan's interminable prolonging of his government is becoming a major encumbrance to Japan's diplomacy. Kan must wake up to this fact.

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY MIRROR, SRILANKA

The power of gentleness and humility

Living in a harsh and competitive world, the virtues of gentleness and humility may seem obsolete if not nonsensical to us. But what we need to discover, is the power that lies buried within these virtues. To some it’s revealed in lesser degrees, to others in greater. All we need to do is to make that decision to look at it impartially. Not being averse to it would open a pathway to self fulfillment and freedom. Though gentleness and humility are great virtues very few want to nurture them. Living in this self-centered world, we may not even want to be educated in these virtues. We may not like them or agree with them, especially when we talk of the dignity of the human person who suffers humiliation. Yet, only people who have suffered humiliation, value and appreciate dignity more. For, dignity is born out of humility. This is the power or energy we seek, that lies buried within; for the dignity of all peoples. Such become the strong and courageous, who could afford to be gentle and humble. The morally weak, often resort to pride and aggressiveness. Mahatma Gandhi became a great leader for India and an icon, for non-violent social action for the world, through humility and sometimes humiliation. He was thrown out of a train in South Africa, during the apartheid era. That and other humiliating experiences prepared him to lead India against the British colonialists and through the power of non violence, he toppled the most powerful empire the world has ever known. South Africa’s legendary Nelson Mandela received empowerment through his humiliating experiences, having been in prison for more than 20 years. He eschewed violence and opted for peaceful methods to bring about the emancipation of his oppressed people. Corrie-Ten-Boon was humiliated by having to walk naked pass German soldiers during the Nazi era. She was transformed through experiences in the concentration camp, to begin a reconciliation movement, between the Jews and Germans after the world war. Worldly values are just the opposite they propagate pride and aggressiveness. Pride prevents us from social involvement. Even if we do get involved, it could be for the wrong reasons. It could be done to boost our own egos, thus negating the good. Then again, pride hides behind our non- involvement or silence in the face of injustice, lest we be ridiculed or humiliated. All of us are a far cry from humility. Pride is destroying us without our knowledge. Look at our pride for wanting only the most popular schools for our children and not the least bothered about our neighbours or of desiring to upgrade lesser known ones. Then again, look at our pride of wanting the most competitive and vulgar display of extravagant wedding celebrations. Those who resort to such extravagance will  not survive long. Happiness deserts them and despair becomes their reward.  For does not pride go before a fall? History shows every empire or kingdom was built by strong men, upon strong ones, who reflected aggressiveness, but none has lasted. Is it not leaders who reflected gentleness, like the Lord Buddha or the Lord Jesus, who have their teachings and adherents lasting for a all time? Our nation, to be vibrant and strong, should propagate or glorify not the aggressiveness of armed might, but gentleness.

EDITORIAL : THE HINDU, INDIA

A clean chit for now

The Reserve Bank of India's latest Financial Stability Report attempts to assess the health of India's financial sector in a holistic manner and pinpoint the incipient risks to stability that may arise in a systemic sense. Like its counterparts in the advanced economies, the RBI seeks to draw the right lessons from the interplay of the macroeconomic setting, policies, markets and institutions, for which it claims to rely on up-to-date techniques and methodology. The report declares that India's financial system remains “stable in the face of some fragilities being observed in the global macro-financial environment.” Growth has been slackening in most parts of the world and the risks arising from global imbalances and the European debt crisis show no signs of abating. The truth is that the causes for some of these persistent problems have never been fully addressed. India's growth momentum has moderated slightly on account of both domestic and global factors, but its economic fundamentals continue to remain strong despite concerns over inflation and the fiscal situation. The widening current account deficit also is not a matter of serious concern for now, although a slowdown in capital inflows could occur as the advanced economies exit from their accommodative policies. However, government expenditure needs to be more tightly managed as part of a well thought-out process of fiscal consolidation.

The domestic financial markets remain stress-free and are expected to be so in the near future. There has been a strong demand for credit and, consequently, liquidity has tightened recently. One subject of concern has been the currency mismatches that have arisen in the wake of domestic companies relying more extensively than before on external commercial borrowings. A related problem is that many domestic corporate issuers of foreign currency convertible bonds (FCCBs) might face refunding risks by March 2013, when it would be time for redemption. The conversion prices on many of these bonds are much higher than the current prices of the linked equity shares, and it is unlikely that the gap will narrow. The Indian banking system remains well capitalised, with both core capital adequacy and leverage ratios ruling at comfortable levels. Even as credit off-take has rebounded recently, asset quality has improved although certain specific sectors of the economy could pose problems. For now, a rise in net interest income has boosted the profitability of banks, but over the near-term rising costs may weigh in. Banks need to be vigilant in facing up to interest rate risks in the prevailing inflation scenario.

Old fears in Thai election

The July 3 parliamentary election in Thailand is the culmination of a bitter five-year-political battle that haunted the country, leading to constant unrest and uncertainty. In December 2007, a year after the Thai Army removed the billionaire Prime Minister Thakshin Shinawatra in a coup and banned his political party, its proxy, the People Power Party, managed to win the parliamentary elections impressively. However, within a year, it found itself outmanoeuvred, and the opposition Democrat Party led by Abhisit Vejjajiva put together a coalition and took office. Since then, there has been a rash of protests resulting in bouts of political paralysis. Last year, security forces put down anti-government protesters with bullets, leaving some 90 people dead. Clearly, in the coming election, Mr. Thaksin, who lives in self-exile abroad after fleeing Thailand to escape prosecution on corruption charges, is eager to avenge his 2006 removal. His party, now called the Pheu Thai, has fielded his sister Yingluck Shinawatra as the prime ministerial candidate. Evidently, the former Prime Minister hopes to run the country through her. There are fears that the election itself will not remove the tensions between the colour-coded political camps — Red Shirts, comprising mainly the rural and urban poor, for the Shinawatra clan; and Yellow Shirts, made up of the prosperous old ruling elites, for Mr. Abhisit and his Democrat Party — until Thailand addresses the deeper malaise of the military's role in politics.

The Royal Thai Army — which has carried out a total of 18 coups, and like the Pakistan Army, has played a backroom role supported by the monarchy during times of civilian rule — is a powerful player in this election. Army chief Prayuth Chan-Ocha declared recently that as a neutral entity, it had no intention of meddling in the election. But his warning that the monarchy was under threat and his demand that voters must elect “good people” have left no one in doubt that the Army has already made its choice. General Prayuth led the 2006 coup, and his televised speech came as polls predicted Mr. Thaksin's PTP in the lead. With the Army having helped put together the 2008 Democrat Party-led coalition, there is concern that if the Pheu Thai Party wins this election it will not be allowed to remain in office for long. On the other hand, it is certain too that the political roiling will continue should voters choose the Democrats — Mr. Thaksin has enough money and street power to ensure that the government will never have it easy. Either way, it appears that political peace in Thailand is still a distant prospect.

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY STAR, BANGLADESH

             

 

Income statements of cabinet members

Why to PM and not to the public?

The cabinet has decided that all ministers, ministers of state, deputy ministers and individuals of similar status in government will submit annual statements of their income and wealth to the prime minister. It will then be for the cabinet division to keep records of those statements. Whether or not such statements are released in the public domain will be for the prime minister to decide.

The move does not quite arouse the kind of enthusiasm among citizens it should have. The cabinet decision clearly leaves everything -- transparency, public accountability -- to be decided by the prime minister as she deems fit. It actually increases PM's hold on her cabinet colleagues, but does not add to public transparency or accountability. In fact, the PM could receive information from the NBR, why should she insist on getting it from her colleagues if she does not make it public?

Actually, it is of critical importance that by taking such a step the cabinet has patently ignored the manifesto the Awami League made public prior to the general elections of December 2008. Citizens at the time were cheered by the party's pledge to have the income and wealth statements of the prime minister, members of the cabinet, members of parliament and their families made public every year as a way of promoting transparency and accountability in governance. The ruling party has in these past two years and a half inexplicably and, we might add, to its own embarrassment, studiously turned its back on the promise. What it now offers only raises more questions than it can answer.

Moreover, while the finance minister himself led the way by submitting his wealth statements since becoming a minister, why did his other colleagues fail to meet the requirement for more than two years?

To suggest that public concerns will be assuaged by cabinet members' submission of wealth statements to the prime minister has something of the farcical about it. That is because it makes no mention of the income and wealth of lawmakers as well as of family members of ministers and parliamentarians. Finally, all statements of income and wealth must annually be made public. Such statements must be monitored through effective mechanisms. And rather than the cabinet division preserving wealth statements, it should be for bodies like the Anti-Corruption Commission, Bangladesh Bank and National Board of Revenue to keep track of the wealth of the nation's public figures. The cabinet must rethink the issue.

Into the death tunnel

Opposition's total lack of concerns for public convenience and economy

Today begins the long drawn out version of a hartal, with 48 hours on Wednesday and Thursday opening out to weekend Friday and Saturday. Meaning thereby, the whole nation could come to a grinding halt altogether for 96 hours.

Economy comes to a standstill, daily wage earners are forced to starvation, students cannot take their exams and seriously ailing patients find it hard to get emergency medicare. The suffering of the people during hartal knows no bound indeed.

Hartal may appear righteous option especially when the ruling party doesn't allow the opposition space to ventilate its grievances. Even so hartal should be taken recourse to as the last resort, for no political party has any right to punish people for no fault of theirs.

But usually opposition in our country is used to calling hartal at the earliest opportunity before even trying and exhausting other valid options. For instance, we thought if the BNP has made it into a habit of attending parliament it wouldn't have a need for hartal.

Hartal as a means of protest and articulation of the demand of a political party in extra ordinary circumstances, though admissible, is however, an anathema in an independent democratic country. It shows a disregard for the institutions of democracy and people's wishes.

Since hartals are an imposition on the people, we should try to exempt the economy of the country, the industries, ports, hospitals and education institutions from the purview of hartal.

If a political party thinks it has a right to call hartal it must be equally sensitive to rights of those who do not want to participate in it.

Finally, we call upon all sides to exercise maximum restraint, so that vandalism and destruction of public and private property are scrupulously avoided and police refrain from committing atrocities.