Oil spill impacts
Judging from what we have heard from the State Oceanic Administration (SOA), the China National Offshore Oil Corp (CNOOC) may be correct in claiming that the scope and impacts of the spill at Penglai 19-3 oilfield in the Bohai Sea are incomparable with the notorious Gulf of Mexico oil rig disaster, yet they appear much bigger than it claimed.
A spill of 2,000 square meters, which is the size the CNOOC previously said, is in stark contrast with media reports of one that is "3 kilometers long and 20 to 30 meters wide", or the SOA's official account of 840 sq km of seriously polluted sea water.
We would like to believe the SOA assurance that the spill is now under "effective control". However, its concurrent confession of "minor leakage" at drilling platforms B and C sets us wondering to what extent the control is effective.
Perhaps we should demonstrate more patience and allow more time for a thorough and reliable conclusion about the cause and effect of the accident. But the approach of the CNOOC, who owns and operates the structures with an American partner, to a matter of serious public concern is inappropriate. Perhaps from CNOOC's perspective, telling the public what happened, as well as what has been, is being, and will be done to stop the leaks might be too technical for a lay audience, and is thus of little help. But that is no excuse to brush aside the concerns that have been aired.
For one thing, as a listed company, the CNOOC has an obligation to share information. At the very least, shareholders should not be kept in the dark. The CNOOC as a State firm has a special duty and obligation to protect national and public interests, in addition to its normal corporate responsibilities.
The oil spill in the Bohai waters constitutes a clear and present environmental hazard with unfathomable consequences. As an internal sea, the already seriously contaminated Bohai Sea's self-cleaning capabilities are very weak.
If there has been any exaggeration of the impacts, it is primarily an outcome of the CNOOC's reluctance to share, if not withholding, information. There was a two-week time lag between media exposure of the spill and the CNOOC's confirmation. The obvious contradiction between its initial denial and media disclosures guaranteed that people would speculate.
The SOA said all three provinces and one municipality along the Bohai Bay were informed of the accident in a timely manner. But previous media reports quoted at least one local government as saying they had received no notice.
Besides clearing the current spill and public relations debris, the ambitious maritime oil driller must reflect on its safety guarantee mechanisms and take proper precautions to make sure something like this does not happen again.
Challenges facing Yingluck
What a change in the political landscape in Thailand, with Yingluck Shinawatra now poised to become the country's first female prime minister after her opposition Puea Thai party won more than half the seats in parliament on Sunday.
Yingluck has already made it clear that social reconciliation is one of the main priorities on her agenda, and one of many challenges she must deal with is restoring political stability in her country.
Only a day after its victory, Puea Thai has made the wise move of forming a coalition with four smaller parties in order to get the solid support they need within the parliament.
But it is crucial for Yingluck to quickly move out from under the shadow of her elder brother, Thaksin, the country's most divisive personality, and one who many believe is the de facto leader of Puea Thai.
Thaksin is currently in exile in Dubai to avoid a two-year prison sentence on corruption charges.
Puea Thai's supporters, the so-called red shirts, are mainly the rural and urban poor, while the defeated Democrat Party is backed by the social and political elites.
The tension between the two parties reflects the deep divisions within Thai society, and these will only become wider if Thaksin returns under a Puea Thai push for political amnesty, an early campaign proposal.
Although Puea Thai later stated it did not support an amnesty, and Yingluck is now trying to distance herself from her brother, insisting that she is not his "clone" and can make decisions on her own.
The prime minister-in-waiting and her party still have to reach an understanding with the military, and a legal tussle may be another stumbling block to Puea Thai assuming power.
A leader of an anti red-shirt network has filed a petition with the Department of Special Investigation against Yingluck, asking that she be charged with perjury for giving a false statement regarding Thaksin's assets.
The Supreme Court last year seized billions of Thaksin's assets, which were alleged to be of questionable origin. The court dismissed testimonies by Yingluck and other defense witnesses as unconvincing.
Yingluck may need to clear her name by placing her financial connections with her elder brother under public scrutiny.
On the foreign front, the incoming Puea Thai government will have to tread carefully but sure-footedly to solve the protracted border dispute with Cambodia.
Yingluck, 44, a business woman with no political experience, will have to pass tough tests before proving herself an able leader of a country whose political fortunes have been in almost constant flux in the last few years.
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