EDITORIAL : THE DAILY TRIBUNE, THE PHILIPPINES

Senate, where at?

Whatever the reason is, it is hard to digest that the Senate would time and again, like a wandering Jew, move from one building to another that reflects on the seeming lack of attention it is getting from the Malacañang tenants.
The absence of a permanent residence for the Senate, that some call the upper chamber, is the result of an aberration created by the martial law regime during the term of former President Marcos that up to now seems not to have been remedied mainly as a result of the low priority it gets from the Palace which almost always find itself to be at the opposite end with the Senate on most issues.
The more than 200 members of the House of Representatives already have the Batasang Pambansa complex which was originally conceived to be a bicameral building but since a unicameral legislature was created under the 1973 Constitution, the complex provided office spaces for members of the Parliament. The Senate, when it made a comeback under the 1987 Constitution, was left without a home since the Parliament was reverted into the Lower House.
It should have been a necessary rectification for the people as part of reforms instituted by governments that sprang after the People Power uprising to look for a permanent building for the Senate but somehow or some way this was overlooked, if not having been given attention to, and the Senate has been renting from one building to another since then.
The Senate returned to the original legislative building in Manila until the building was turned over to the National Museum of the Philippines during the term of former President Fidel V. Ramos and it has since moved to the GSIS Building in Pasay for which, according to Sen. Franklin Drilon, the Senate pays an atrocious P110 million a year.
Drilon said senators have decided to move to a less expensive place and is now at either the Post Office building or the University of the Philippines (UP) campus in Diliman for the new site of the Senate building.
Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile had assigned Drilon, Sen. Pia Cayetano and Sen. Ferdinand Marcos to relocate the Senate offices.
The administration of Noynoy should make it a priority to give the Senate a permanent home not only because Noynoy was once part of it but  because it is a source of great national humiliation for a portion of its legislative body to be forever searching for a place to settle in.
The amount being paid by the Senate as rent for the moment if taken over the years that they have been paying rent, would have been enough for a more than decent structure that the Senate can call its own.
Renting offices for the country’s senators also does not sound right since they are elected representatives in whom the government has the duty to provide a definite institutional building to be housed.
It is also a disservice to the people who elected the 24 senators to lose track of their representatives literally by reason of their changing addresses.
The past administration, all nine years of it, definitely has an agenda in not finding a permanent solution to the Senate’s permanent housing problem.
Gloria’s term was marked with efforts to change the Constitution to pave the way for the return of a unicameral Congress in which she had aspired to become a prime minister with an indefinite term.
She definitely lacks the compulsion to do anything favoring the Senate but one which Noynoy should not be following her trail.
The Senate is one of the most revered institutions in the land and the public flocks to it whenever people feel that they are not getting a fair shake from people in government.
It needs to be a landmark so people will be able to say with conviction whenever they are confronted with a particular issue “to take it to the Senate.”
It would be a huge letdown for a question to follow that proud statement: “So where at?”

EDITORIAL : THE NEW STRAITS TIMES, MALAYSIA

We need to know why undergraduates think bribery is OK

A  2007 survey by the Performance Management and Delivery Unit (Pemandu) revealed that a majority of the 1,800 respondents at selected universities felt that it was acceptable to give or receive a bribe. While this tells us that many undergraduates are likely to think that paying or getting a bribe is justified, in the absence of similar polls for the rest of the population, it would be premature to conclude that the young are less ethical than the old.

What we do know from corruption perception surveys and anecdotal evidence is that many older Malaysians who see themselves as law-abiding citizens are just as willing to pay a bribe to get a permit or get off a traffic summons. In fact, this year's Global Fraud Survey by Ernst & Young, which is based on interviews with more than 1,700 senior executives in 43 countries, shows how unwise it is to castigate the undergraduates for their widespread acceptance of corrupt practices. In this regard, as the Global Corruption Barometer which measures the public perception of the government's efforts has increased from 28 per cent in 2009 to 49 per cent last year, it would be interesting to see whether there has been a change in the five-year-old student attitudes following the National Key Result Areas (NKRA) initiatives on corruption.

In a sense, however, regardless of whether that change is positive or negative, we don't have to wait for a new survey to tell us that unless bribery is seen as unjustifiable behaviour, anti-corruption initiatives will be difficult to implement. Indeed, the social and cultural acceptance of greasing the wheels of bureaucracy and business to get things done only creates a vicious cycle which contributes to its intractability. As values influence attitudes, and attitudes drive behaviour, the NKRA Fighting Corruption director D. Ravindran is quite justified in stressing the importance of instilling "positive core values against corruption". However, though this seems a logical place to start changing the tolerant and permissive attitudes towards bribery, it would be wishful thinking to assume that mindsets can be changed by appeals to ethics alone. What we do know from some studies is that people are more inclined to act corruptly not simply because they are less ethical than others but also because the private returns to corruption are high, institutions are weak, the likelihood of getting away with it are high, and the legal consequences of detection are limited. This suggests that we need answers as to why students think bribery is justified before we can begin to change their attitudes.

Safety and security

The onus is on us to keep ourselves and our families safe at all times

PREVENTION, it has always been said, is better than cure.  With the recent spate of armed robberies and attacks in neighbourhoods and shopping malls, there is all the more reason why we need to be constantly on our guard.  This simply means being alert and being aware of our surroundings.  This advice has been repeated all too often but how many of us can honestly say we never take our safety for granted? Yes, we do it for a while when an abduction, rape or mugging happens close to home. We are all eyes and ears for the next few months but we just as easily take safety for granted again and slip into complacency the minute we feel safe.

As law enforcement officers cannot be everywhere every time, the onus is on us to keep ourselves and our families safe. We can avoid becoming a victim by taking simple, sensible precautions such as not walking alone, especially at night or in isolated places; not talking or texting on the phone as you are walking; being aware of your surroundings at all times and looking out for suspicious characters; holding your car keys before heading to your car; and locking your car doors the moment you get in and driving away as soon as you have started the engine. As an added measure, we could also arm ourselves with a can of pepper spray and a whistle.

Simple precautions that we can take at home or in our neighbourhood include switching on the porch and back lights at night, keeping the gate, grille and doors locked at all times, having a spy hole fitted to the front door, teaching our children to not open the door to strangers and even installing an alarm system or a closed-circuit television camera at home, if it's affordable.

Should you find yourself in a vulnerable position, throw your valuables away from you to distract the robber and run to the nearest safe spot or crowd. Experts also advise you to scream "fire" instead of "help" as the former is likely to grab more attention. Residents in housing estates should be encouraged to pool their resources and organise neighbourhood watch patrols. Get to know your neighbours so that you can look out for each other during an emergency. Having the telephone numbers of your immediate neighbours and the nearest police station keyed into your handphone also means that help is a phone call away. It's always better to be safe than sorry.

Better deal for cabbies

THOUGH likening the leasing of taxis to "modern-day slavery", as Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak did, may seem a tad harsh, there is no doubt that it reflects the sentiments of cabbies and critics of the current practice of awarding licences to companies rather than individuals.

Cabbies resent the leasing system because they have to spend long hours behind the wheel in all kinds of weather and traffic conditions to pay the rental, cover the running costs and make enough to make ends meet. Unlike most workers, they get none of the fringe benefits and social safety nets like social security coverage, disability insurance or vacations. On the other hand, fleet owners are guaranteed steady earnings regardless of how long cabbies drive or how much money they take in.

For this reason, the policy has long been criticised as a way for rent-seekers to profit while leaving drivers with crumbs and the public with lousy service. Indeed, while there has been an unending litany of complaints about taxi drivers, there is a broad understanding that the root of the problem lies in the system in which they operate. Quite clearly, the underlying motivation for overcharging, non-use of meters, refusal to pick up passengers, reckless driving and the like is financial. As leasing cabs for a flat fee has had a deleterious effect on the quality of service and the incomes and working conditions of taxi drivers, the prime minister has picked the right target for taxi reform.

However, as the Land Public Transport Commission (SPAD) has still to complete its study on the taxi industry, it is not clear whether the radical step of abolishing leasing altogether will be taken. As it is, SPAD chairman Tan Sri Syed Hamid Albar has said that the "new model" will not affect existing taxi operators but will target cabbies who have been driving for a long time but do not own taxies. Certainly, as Syed Hamid said, not all taxi drivers want to exit the leasing system. Undoubtedly, leasing is a common arrangement in most countries, as is a dual system of taxis owned and maintained by both companies and individuals. For sure, the subsidy for buying tyres and the tax incentives and soft loans for the purchase of taxis are major steps in the right direction. But any serious attempt to improve taxi services and the welfare and well-being of taxi drivers should place more of the industry in the hands of owner-drivers, reduce the role of companies and absentee rentiers, and provide adequate social protection.

EDITORIAL : THE GUARDIAN, UK

Conservatives and Europe: led by the noes once again

The problem for Mr Cameron is that he leads a eurosceptic party in a coalition government which has chosen to freeze the issue

What is the reason for David Cameron's decision to float the possibility of a British referendum on Europe once more? Is it because Britain faces an existential or constitutional turning point in its membership of the European Union right here, right now, which cannot be resolved by any other means, and on which the government has a clear position? That, after all, has long been the basis on which the use of a referendum has been put forward by those who advocate them. But the case for that kind of claim, not easy at the best of times, is at this time utterly premature.

Beyond question, these are tumultuous, damaging and, almost certainly, game-changing times in the EU, with the single currency in crisis at the same time as Europe's banks and bondholders continue to pay the price of years of unchecked credit. Self-evidently, the eurozone crisis is driving the 17 states who use the single currency towards much tighter collective fiscal controls and perhaps eventual fiscal union. Certainly, were that to happen, the constitutional implications for those states would be profound. They would be the kind of thing which the advocates of referendums have in mind when they propose this departure from representative parliamentary government. But none of this has actually happened yet. The process of change is a continuing one. The end-product in constitutional terms is not yet known or knowable. And it has no direct and immediate implications for Britain, though probably some informal ones, since we are not in the eurozone anyway.

Maybe there would nevertheless be a case for what Mr Cameron suggests if the EU was attempting to push forward some other set of plans in some other area of policy which, if implemented, would strike deeply and lastingly into the nature of relations between Britain, as a sovereign member of the EU, and the union itself. Some major change in social policy perhaps, or on banking reform, or the workings of financial markets, or even on migration policy? There is no sign of that either – though if there were, most voters here might actually prefer the European proposal to one put forward by the UK government. The EU can undoubtedly be a deeply frustrating union, but it is not comprised of people or states which wilfully want to shake the structures to their foundations, at this of all times.

So Mr Cameron's article in the Sunday Telegraph, which hinted at the possibility of a UK referendum on Europe about something sometime, should be seen for what it really is. It is a response to a party and government management issue. The real problem for Mr Cameron is that he leads a eurosceptic party in a coalition government which has chosen to freeze the issue. And that at least 100 of his MPs do not trust him on Europe. And that Conservative strategists are running scared of Ukip. And that the more pragmatic Tory ministers on this issue, like Mr Cameron and the foreign secretary William Hague, would prefer to manage Tory euroscepticism rather than letting it have its head or confronting it. And that those who imagine themselves as Mr Cameron's successors – George Osborne, Boris Johnson, Liam Fox and Michael Gove – all want to burnish their eurosceptic credentials at a time when Europe is far down the public's list of pressing issues when compared with the economy, social policy and public spending.

This is not the first time that the Tory party has tried to appease its fanatics about Europe in an effort to resolve its dilemmas and failings. It will not be the last. The autumn conference will be abuzz over Europe. The shadow foreign secretary Douglas Alexander is right to warn on Monday that serious debate about Europe – and, we would add, about the place of referendums in our politics – risks being overwhelmed by Tory and rightwing media hysteria. But is Labour so much more virtuous on this issue? Or the Liberal Democrats? There is a great need in many countries, including ours, for fresh, wise thinking on Europe. Auctioning phoney referendums on the never-never may not be the best way to encourage it but the worst.

Space exploration: staring into the dark

The Euclid project, now given the green light, aims to address the biggest question of all: what is the universe made of?

The European Space Agency – of which, for the time being, the UK remains a fully engaged member – has quietly cleared for takeoff a space mission to address the biggest question of all: what is the universe made of? Galaxies, stars, black holes, asteroids, planets and people together add up only to a trifling 4% of all that there is: the remaining 96% is mysterious and very dark. The agency's Euclid is an optical and infrared space telescope that will be launched in 2020, to spend six years a million miles beyond Earth, measuring with subtle techniques and exquisite precision the geometry, distribution and acceleration of billions of galaxies across distances that extend 10bn years back in time.

Modern observational science began when Galileo turned a rudimentary pair of lenses on the moon and Jupiter. The paradox is that each great advance since then has successively also exposed even bigger questions about the firmament above and the emptiness around us. It was only in the 1960s that radio astronomers confirmed that spacetime, radiation and atomic matter all had their origins in a big bang less than 20bn years ago. But even before this, observers had begun to puzzle about the behaviour of the galaxies: none of them seemed to have anything like the gravitational mass implied by their shape and structure.

That was the point at which physicists began to propose a mysterious component of the universe called dark matter. This strange stuff does not shine or glow, does not bounce off anything or announce its existence in any recognised way. Nevertheless it has gravitational mass that glues an estimated 200bn galaxies, each of perhaps 200bn stars, into cohesive and enduring structures. And, clearly, it far outweighs all visible matter. Only 14 years ago, physicists contemplating the most distant galactic supernovae made the Nobel prizewinning discovery that these distant brightnesses were receding at an ever-faster rate, when the logic of gravitational theory suggested they should be slowing down. It was as if some kind of antigravity, detectable only at vast distances, and accounting for an estimated 73% of the total mass-energy of the cosmos, had taken charge, and would eventually disperse all other galaxies beyond the universal horizon, condemning any survivors in a far-distant future to an eternity of frozen blackness.

The Euclid project is a partnership of 1,000 scientists from 100 institutes. Their instruments will make the most meticulous measurements of galactic behaviour, on the principle that riddles that have been revealed by careful examination may logically be solved by even more careful examination. What's the betting, though, that even if it does deliver a compelling answer, Euclid will also unveil an even more astonishing set of questions?

In praise of … Olivia de Havilland

It is a pleasure to discover that, for de Havilland and a few other Manderley and Tara veterans, tomorrow is still another day

A careless reader of the obituaries of the actress Ann Rutherford, who died last month aged 94, might have supposed her the final survivor of the cast of the 1939 film classic Gone With the Wind, in which Miss Rutherford played Scarlett O'Hara's sister Carreen. Happily, however, several of the movie's other stars are still alive 73 years on, as the striking presence on the Guardian's list of weekend birthdays of Olivia de Havilland, who played Melanie Hamilton and who was 96 on Sunday, confirms. Miss de Havilland's longevity is remarkable in other ways too, since her equally distinguished sister Joan Fontaine, star of Alfred Hitchcock's 1940 Rebecca, is also still alive at 94. To claim that a famous feud between the two sisters may have helped fuel their mutual survival would be speculation, but it is a pleasure to discover that, for the de Havilland sisters and for a few other select Manderley and Tara veterans, tomorrow is indeed still another day.

EDITORIAL : THE GLOBAL TIMES, CHINA

Mainland-backed HK has more momentum


Hong Kong came under the international media spotlight Sunday as it celebrated the 15th anniversary of its return to China. A lot of media analysis focused on the Hong Kong-mainland relationship. 

Though the problems and challenges that Hong Kong faces today are understandably highlighted, none of the influential Western media outlets openly claimed that Hong Kong's return was a mistake. Pre-return predictions of doom for the Oriental Pearl have proven unfounded. It is an undeniable fact that Hong Kong has enjoyed 15 years of smooth development. 

It is also true Hong Kong has been eclipsed by fast growing inland metropolises, but this cannot be blamed on its return. In other parts of the world, few cities in rich countries develop as fast as Shanghai or Shenzhen. Some worried that Hong Kong's freedom of speech was in jeopardy, which was another baseless claim. Freedom of speech is progressing quickly in the mainland, and there is no reason for this trend to be reversed in Hong Kong.

"One country, two systems," designated by the Basic Law, is the foundation of the governance of Hong Kong after its return. Some claim that the "two systems" part hasn't been strictly implemented. This vague accusation, like extreme views on the other end that "one country" is being ignored, lacks a serious argument. 

Hong Kong's return hasn't been accompanied by turbulence and a deteriorating economy, which are typical in transitions of colonies. The overall political structure has been kept, ensuring a smooth shift, which is a blessing.

Conflicts between Hong Kong and the mainland after its return have been much less acute than global media had thought. The complaints in Hong Kong society are mostly unrelated to the return. They are mainly results of the global financial crisis or changing political landscape in the Asia Pacific. 

For example, the expanding wealth gap, a prominent local issue, is prevalent across the world. Hong Kong residents have certain expectations for the central government to solve the issue. The solution however, has to be based on the general principle of "one country, two systems."

Hong Kong's advantage as a bridge between the mainland and world markets has declined as the mainland opens further. But a richer mainland means more opportunities for Hong Kong than a poorer mainland. 

Direct elections for Hong Kong's top leader will be realized in 2017. These two decades of transition are crucial for the region to shift from a colonized island to a truly democratic region. "One country, two systems" is more than a law. It is a mature reality of today.

The mainland is sincere in its support for Hong Kong. If Hong Kong suffers a decline, it will be a humiliation for the whole of China.

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY YOMIURI, JAPAN

Rebuilding DPJ structure urgent task for Noda

The Yomiuri Shimbun

"It is out of the question for us to modify the three-party accord [on comprehensive reform of the social security and taxation systems]," Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda said.

Noda must rebuild the structure of the Democratic Party of Japan by parting ways as soon as possible with Ichiro Ozawa, who continues to make self-centered assertions, and DPJ members who supported Ozawa.

At a lecture meeting of the Yomiuri International Economic Society in Tokyo, Noda referred to the comprehensive reform bills, which recently passed the House of Representatives following an agreement on the amended bills among the DPJ, the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito.

"The point is for us to responsibly deliberate the bills, worked out by the three parties, at the House of Councillors and get them passed into law," Noda said.

Even after he voted against the bills, Ozawa said, "I will do everything I can to prevent the consumption tax rate from being raised." It is only reasonable for Noda to rebuff such remarks.

Within the DPJ, Ozawa and Secretary General Azuma Koshiishi held three rounds of talks in an effort to find a way out of the impasse. This development has given rise to speculation that the DPJ rebels would leave the party's parliamentary bloc in the Diet while remaining in the party.

===

Overcome abnormality

Brushing aside such a move as "out of the question," Noda also said: "It is absurd that while there are [DPJ members] who show their mettle by telling voters in their electoral districts, 'We have no choice but to raise the consumption tax rate,' others from the same party, next to those supporting the tax hike, express their opposition."

Noda should not allow an abnormal situation in which party members are split over key policy issues. He must promptly enforce strict punishments against rebellious members. We hope he will work out a clear course of action at a meeting of party executives early this week.

The point man in this situation is Koshiishi, who holds the key to the punishments. LDP Vice President Tadamori Oshima says the difference in opinion between Noda and Koshiishi has caused a number of problems.

Yet Noda says he believes in the party secretary general, who supports him. It is important for the party leadership, including Koshiishi, to follow party procedures to punish the rebels in a quiet and steady manner.

===

Ozawa set on course

Ozawa and his followers are ready to submit letters of secession from the party, making it certain the party will split. Any effort by Koshiishi in talking Ozawa into changing his mind has become meaningless.

Should the party leadership explore ways to engineer a party reconciliation, it may end up damaging the relationship of trust with the LDP and Komeito, which the DPJ has managed to build.

Besides the comprehensive reform bills, there are other issues which require cooperation among the DPJ, the LDP and Komeito and must be tackled during the current Diet session.

Among pending bills is one to allow the issuance of deficit-covering government bonds and another concerning electoral system reform to correct voting disparities in the lower house. Both need to be resolved as soon as possible.

Noda must come up with tangible results in line with his earlier statement: "There is no retreat. We will move forward firmly."

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 1, 2012)

(Jul. 2, 2012)

DPJ should firmly refuse Ozawa's unreasonable demand

The Yomiuri Shimbun

Former Democratic Party of Japan President Ichiro Ozawa has made an unreasonable demand connected to his threats to bolt from the party. This tactic is fitting for the man dubbed the "destroyer," but we urge the DPJ leadership to flatly refuse his demand.

Ozawa held talks with DPJ Secretary General Azuma Koshiishi three times and said that he intends to leave the party with a group of lawmakers who support him if bills related to comprehensive reform of the social security and taxation systems are voted on and passed at the House of Councillors.

Koshiishi urged Ozawa to reconsider, and negotiations between them are continuing. Ozawa expressed his intention to make a final decision on whether to leave the DPJ as early as the beginning of next week.

Ozawa's demand is very unreasonable and impossible for Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda to accept, as he has staked his own political career on passage of the bills.

However, it is a problem that Koshiishi is considering making some concessions to avoid a split in the DPJ.

===

Tail wagging the dog

The bills were revised based on an agreement reached among the ruling DPJ, the main opposition Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito. The agreement has significant meaning since it was compiled based on mutual concessions among the three parties.

However, Ozawa and a few dozen DPJ lawmakers cast ballots against the bills in the House of Representatives. Since that meant a rebellion against the three-way agreement, the LDP and Komeito have responded strongly against their action.

Nonetheless, if the DPJ leadership makes concessions to win Ozawa over, it will be the tail wagging the dog.

The rebellion by Ozawa and others is the inevitable price the DPJ leadership must pay for closing its eyes and trying to cover up serious intraparty conflict over policy issues in the name of maintaining harmony within the DPJ. The chasm in the DPJ is already beyond repair.

What Koshiishi should do is hand down a tough punishment for Ozawa.

First, Ozawa's claim lacks legitimacy, even though he sticks fast to the DPJ's election pledges and insists that the party must carry out its promises to voters.

Nearly two years and 10 months have passed since the DPJ took power. The party's manifesto said it would be possible to generate a total of 16.8 trillion yen annually by squeezing the state budget, but that has already fallen by the wayside. Ozawa was DPJ secretary general for more than eight months, but there is no evidence that he tried to make the election pledges a reality at that time.

===

Ozawa implausible

Ozawa is now arguing that other things should be done before raising the consumption tax rate or that the DPJ should return to the starting point at which the party took power from the LDP. But nobody can trust Ozawa unless he clearly shows concrete measures for administrative reform and economic revival.

Ozawa joined the DPJ after forming and dissolving the Japan Renewal Party (Shinseito), the New Frontier Party (Shinshinto) and the Liberal Party since his exit from the LDP 19 years ago.

He is attached to a high-handed and self-righteous political style, which prioritizes political gamesmanship over policy measures, and also to money politics.

"First of all, I myself must change," Ozawa declared in April 2006 when he assumed the post of DPJ president.

However, his moves toward departure from the party show that Ozawa's political style has not changed at all.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 30, 2012)

(Jul. 1, 2012)

Insolvent Chongryon must accept auction of its headquarters

The Yomiuri Shimbun

It has become possible at long last for the building and land of the central headquarters of the pro-Pyongyang General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, known as Chongryon, to be auctioned off. The government-backed Resolution and Collection Corporation should proceed steadily with procedures to collect its loans to Chongryon.

In a lawsuit in which the RCC sought confirmation that the association is the de facto owner of the headquarters building and land, the Supreme Court on Wednesday turned down Chongryon's appeal, finalizing the court verdict entirely in favor of the RCC.

Chongryon's central office is situated in a prime location in the heart of Tokyo and is deemed the North Korean residents group's most valuable piece of property. The top court's decision makes it likelier that Chongryon may be forced to move out of its head office.

Beginning in 1997, credit cooperatives for pro-Pyongyang Korean residents in Japan collapsed one after another.

The government, aiming to protect depositors, injected a huge amount of taxpayer money--more than 1 trillion yen--into 16 such financial institutions for pro-Pyongyang Koreans across the country.

===

Overdue loans total 62.7 billion yen

In the process of the cash injection, the RCC took over bad loans from the 16 credit cooperatives and reached the conclusion that 62.7 billion yen of the nonperforming loans had been extended to Chongryon.

Chongryon has therefore been obliged to pay back that amount to the RCC.

It is believed that Chongryon obtained the loans from the cooperatives almost coercively. In Diet deliberations, the question was once raised of whether the funds might have been unlawfully remitted to North Korea.

Chongryon has no corporate status, and the central headquarters building and land have been registered as assets of a separate organization, a partnership company affiliated with the pro-Pyongyang Korean residents association.

In the court battle between the group and the RCC, decisions handed down by the first- and second-instance courts ruled that Chongryon "has the right to dispose of the head office and premises as there are no records that it paid [the partnership firm] for using them." The highest court has fully upheld those rulings.

As long as ownership by the partnership company is in name only, it is natural for the court to judge that Chongryon is the effective owner of the property.

Chongryon, for its part, is considered to lack the solvency to fully cover the 62.7 billion yen it owes.

The RCC has already sold Chongryon-related facilities at auction in such areas as Kyoto, Osaka, Aichi and Fukui prefectures, using the proceeds to cover part of the bad loans involved.

===

Public takes a dim view

The government-affiliated bad loan collection agency should calmly and steadily work toward securing a court decision for selling the Chongryon central headquarters building and land at auction.

Chongryon has so far maintained that the RCC has been acting on "a political motivation to drive us into dissolution by depriving us of our central headquarters, which is of pivotal importance to our activities as it has functions comparable to those of an embassy."

The RCC, however, has been acting simply for the purpose of fulfilling its mission of collecting the taxpayer money that was put into Chongryon. Chongryon's argument is definitely off the mark. The group instead must extend cooperation to the RCC in paying back its liabilities.

North Korea has abducted Japanese citizens and has carried out repeated missile launches and reckless nuclear tests.

The Japanese public has cast a skeptical eye on Chongryon, too, as it is under the leadership of Pyongyang.

Chongryon must take to heart that it can never be allowed to evade the obligation to repay the bad loans.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 30, 2012)

(Jul. 1, 2012)

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY MIRROR, SRILANKA

Mr. Greig’s call for action


Addressing the Marylebone Cricket Club (MCC) Spirit of Cricket Cowdrey Lecture last week, former England cricket captain Tony Greig urged Indian cricket officials to act in the best interests of the game and give responsible leadership, as the game’s global powerhouse, to protect the future of the game – more specially test cricket.

A year after Sri Lanka’s Kumar Sangakkara stood on the same stage and pleaded with the ‘cronies’ who were running Sri Lankan cricket to stop rotting the country’s game, Mr. Greig vehemently implored the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) to abandon its selfish money-making agendas, embrace the ‘spirit of the game’ and use its privileged position to impact world cricket in a way that even the International Cricket Committee (ICC) seems incapable of doing right now.

Among the ‘disappointing decisions’ that he claimed the BCCI had made, the most alarming were; its indifference to the longer form of the game, its hard-line attitude against the Decision Review System (DRS) yet soft approach to allegations of corruption in the Indian Premier League (IPL), and its valuation of the IPL and the Championship League T20 tournaments as being more important than international cricket.



Some would see Mr. Greig as a hypocrite, for he himself was involved in an IPL-esque tournament in the late 1970s, acting as a chief recruiter for Australian television magnate Kerry Packer, the brainchild of World Series Cricket. However, in retrospect, regardless of his history, his words hold frightening truth.  

It is hard to imagine any other team in any other sport that comes with the same kind of financial benefit that the Indian team has, making a home series against them one of the most lucrative deals in sports.

Going by previous experiences, there is not much hope for these words. Last year after Sangakkara’s erudite lecture, former West Indian fast bowler Michael Holding made scathing comments about the BCCI and its exorbitant power, along the lines of what was mentioned by Mr. Greig on Tuesday, but little if not nothing has changed since.

And it is apparent that the Indian cricketing juggernaut has no intention of stopping, as last week they managed to ensure that Decision Review System (DRS) was not made mandatory, which many of the other test playing countries had vouched for.  
A great duty then lies with the ICC who must seize back some of the unadulterated control that the BCCI has over of world cricket, by way of strict policies, and not allow one member to dictate terms on decisions that should be taken collectively. It must also establish a firm stance on the amount of international cricket and ensure a proper rotation amongst international teams. If not, it will ultimately have to be accountable for the decline of the game.

EDITORIAL : THE HINDU, INDIA

Reading the rains

This year, not only did the monsoon reach India a few days late but its progress thereafter has been alarmingly lackadaisical. While Assam has been deluged and is reeling from the resulting floods, over 85 per cent of the country is suffering from far too little rain. The result is that the nationwide rainfall deficit stood at a grim 29 per cent at the end of June. Rainfall data for the past 140 years shows that even with a June deficit of that magnitude or greater, there is still a 60 per cent chance of the monsoon turning into a ‘normal’ one where nationwide rainfall for the season falls between 90 per cent and 110 per cent of the long-period average. The government, which has been pinning its hopes on a good monsoon to help propel economic growth, will undoubtedly be hoping for such an outcome. Even if the monsoon does turn out to be ‘normal,’ it is likely the rains will be at the lower end of that range. The probabilistic forecast in the India Meteorological Department’s updated monsoon prediction issued in late June has indicated that this is just what could happen. The forecast divides the traditional ‘normal’ range into three — ‘below normal’ (90 per cent to 96 per cent), ‘normal’ (96 per cent to 104 per cent) and ‘above normal’ (104 per cent to 110 per cent). The current monsoon has, according to the IMD, a 35 per cent chance of becoming ‘below normal,’ which is twice the climatological probability based on the outcome in past years.

After its poor showing in June, it is important that the monsoon revives quickly. Good rains in both July and August are essential for a ‘normal’ monsoon that is needed to sustain the kharif crop. July will be particularly important for agriculture. As it is, the sowing of rice, coarse cereals, pulses and oilseeds have been hit. Much could depend on what happens in the Pacific Ocean. The temperature at the surface of its central and eastern tropical waters has risen. The worry is that the temperature rise might continue and result in an El Niño, which could adversely affect the monsoon. According to the IMD statistics, there have been 36 El Niño years since 1875. Of these, the nationwide monsoon rainfall was between 90 per cent and 100 per cent of the long-period average in 14 years and above 100 per cent in six years, including in 1997 that saw one of the strongest El Niños of the last century. But there were ‘deficient’ monsoons, with nationwide rainfall falling below 90 per cent, in 16 El Niño years. One hopes that if an El Niño does develop this year, it will be the benign variety. The government would, however, do well to plan ahead and get prepared to meet any contingency.

Ill blow the trade winds

India’s external economy, for long considered to be the one bright spot in the entire macro economy, has been repeatedly coming under stress recently. While still not a cause for alarm, the latest balance of payments (BoP) data released by the Reserve Bank of India on Friday is deeply disquieting. The current account deficit (CAD) — the sum of the balance of trade and “invisibles” including earnings from software exports and workers’ remittances — has risen to the highest ever level of 4.5 per cent of GDP, or $21.7 billion, during the fourth quarter of fiscal 2011-12. This is sharply higher than the 1.3 per cent recorded over the same period in the previous year. That in turn has pushed up the CAD for the whole year to $78.2 billion, or 4.2 per cent of GDP, which is again a record. Any hope of containing the CAD to within reasonable levels depends on global commodity prices as well as economic activity in India. Although falling petroleum prices have afforded a measure of relief, the depreciating rupee has neutralised some of the gains. The economic slowdown, though an undesirable feature from the growth perspective, can also moderate the CAD by limiting the import bill relating to capital and intermediate goods.

The falling rupee can discourage imports and, over the medium term, at least, boost export competitiveness, consequently shrinking the CAD. That has not happened so far because some imports, notably petroleum, are inelastic. Also, exporters have not derived the full benefit of the rupee depreciation mainly because of lower demand from the principal markets of the European Union and the U.S. Obviously, for policy makers, the real challenge is to fund the CAD on a sustainable basis. In sharp focus is the fact that the widest ever CAD has kept India’s BoP in negative territory for the second quarter in a row, forcing the RBI to dip into its foreign exchange reserves. Once again, the BoP data highlights the huge risks in depending on volatile portfolio capital flows. A related development contributing to the economy’s vulnerability is the high level of external debt, especially of the short-term variety. Key vulnerability indicators like the debt-GDP ratio and debt-service ratio deteriorated during last year. However, despite being aware of the serious pitfalls, the government and the RBI have shown a penchant for short-termism. Recent relaxation of rules relating to external commercial borrowings and greater incentives for non-resident Indians and foreigners to invest in government paper can all be justified only on the ground of expediency. Such steps go against the grain of prudent policies that have stood the economy in good stead, until recently.

EDITORIAL : THE DAWN, PAKISTAN

NLC scandal

THE financial scandal at the army-run National Logistics Cell which caused a loss of nearly Rs1.8bn through illegal investments between 2004 and 2008 was back in the news on Saturday. Chairman NAB Fasih Bokhari told a press conference that the three generals implicated in the scam could be court-martialled by the army — if the army’s separate investigation produced evidence of serious wrongdoing. This is simply not good enough. The army’s investigation was announced in November 2010 at a time when it was believed that the parliamentary Public Accounts Committee under the chairmanship of Chaudhry Nisar was about to announce its own findings. November 2010 to July 2012 is long enough to have determined who in the army-run NLC was responsible for the losses suffered by the organisation and what criminal prosecution they should face — there being virtually no doubt that some financial malfeasance was involved.

Are the high-profile targets — now retired generals — the reason for the slow pace of the investigation? Very likely, yes. But it’s not just the army that may be trying to shield several of its own. NAB too seems to drag its feet when it comes to investigating corruption and misdeeds committed by men in uniform — leading to a suspicion that the many men who once served in uniform and now serve at NAB may be protecting their own kind. But then, what of the PAC, which gave the army time to follow through on its own investigation but has not pressed for a quick resolution of the affair (the PAC, though, is admittedly a rudderless committee since the exit of Chaudhry Nisar).

In matters of corruption, the debate can often break down to mindless partisanship. Talk about corruption in the armed forces or the judiciary, and supporters will hit back with endless stories of corruption in the political class. But perhaps therein lies a story worth exploring: while politicians have been given a bad name and hanged — literally in some cases — there is still a lack of genuine public understanding about the extent of corruption and malfeasance in other institutions. What that does is lead to a false choice: corrupt politicians out to squeeze every last drop they can from the system vs noble and patriotic men in other institutions who may be occasionally misguided but have Pakistan’s best interests at heart. So there’s a very real and urgent need to pull back the veil and take on whatever skeletons come tumbling out of hitherto closed closets. The NLC case, then, is a test case: a test for whether or not Pakistan is genuinely moving towards a more level playing field.

Doctors’ strike

WITH TV images of patients’ suffering being beamed live into every home, the striking young doctors in Punjab need to be aware that, regardless of the legitimacy of their demands, public patience may be wearing thin. Also that most of those being denied treatment are so poor that they rely solely on the strike-hit government hospitals for treatment. While the doctors say they aren’t protesting for more money, the Punjab government maintains that the ‘service structure’ they seek adds Rs23bn to the provincial health budget, an amount it can’t divert from frontline healthcare provision to their bank accounts. The government also says it has already given the young doctors raises worth Rs4.5bn. Unfortunately, all the signs are that the battle lines are hardening — especially after the police action last night on the Services Hospital hostel in Lahore that saw the arrest of dozens of doctors. Such a situation, both on the part of the doctors and the administration, whose strong-arm tactics cannot be condoned, does not augur well for patients, especially those who can’t afford private treatment.

Meanwhile, the element of militancy that has crept into the strike action has caused some senior professors and doctors to privately say they feel threatened if they staff outpatient departments, even though they are not bound by the strike call. It is sad that such action is now being associated with a noble profession that has public service at its core. We don’t need to remind the doctors of their Hippocratic Oath. Although the representatives of the Young Doctors Association, Punjab, have repeatedly said they are providing cover for essential medical services, they need only look in their own hospital yards to see the mass of suffering humanity. Now army doctors have been called in. Given the deadlock, what is needed is an independent arbitration and reconciliation service modelled after the UK’s ACAS which can be asked to step in if employees and employers can’t sort out disputes. For the moment, we can only call for restraint — especially after last night’s events — and dialogue so that the fundamental right to healthcare can be restored to the people.

High salaries, no merit

PAKISTAN’S national carrier has generated more controversy in recent times than many other state-owned enterprises. All matters ranging from the appointment of a new managing director, to his relations with employees or the board and chairman, to restructuring plans have been tainted with controversies. If the dispute over powers between the former PIA chairman and the new managing director that made headlines a few weeks ago was bad publicity for the airline, the management’s failure to fire the deputy managing director as recommended by the parliamentary committee on defence is equally damaging. Apparently, the committee had sought Salim Sayani’s sacking because of his failure to deliver what he was employed for and to justify his monthly salary package of Rs5m. Possibly, the management is not firing him because of the ‘high cost’ — equal to his salary for two years — his removal involves. The price may be high, but the intangible costs of his continuation in the job could be even higher.

Of late, the government is employing ‘professionals’ like Mr Sayani to fill top jobs in the SOEs and paying them exorbitant ‘market-based’ salaries. Ostensibly, it is done to ‘turn around’ the SOEs that have been reeling under years of mismanagement, corruption, overstaffing, political and bureaucratic interference and to make them profitable entities. Few would dispute this policy. But the problem does not lie so much in inflated salaries as in the ‘selection’ of ‘suitable’ people hired for political rather than professional reasons. If the SOEs, which are costing the country’s taxpayers Rs400bn annually, are to be restructured political and bureaucratic intervention will have to stop. This also holds true for the appointment of top managers who should be inducted on the basis of their competence alone. Only that will lead to the needed revamp of the SOEs on modern business lines.

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY STAR, BANGLADESH

Extra-judicial killings

Half-yearly account reads horrific

The number of extra-judicial killings in the first half of the year, according to a report of Ain Shalish Kendro, a dynamic human rights organisation, stands at 63. Neither numerically, or breakup-wise in terms of the agencies killing them off the situation is any better than in the corresponding period of last year.

Actually, the pattern seems to be consistently extensive: Thirty were killed in 'gunfights' with Rab, nine with police, one with a joint team of Rab and Bangladesh Coastguard. Add to these, police torturing eight persons to death and shooting one to death. Also, seventeen inmates and thirty detainees died in police custody.

The statistics speak louder than comments and explode the myth of improving human rights situation. There are two broad implications of such brazen acts of abuse of power and the custodians of law taking law into their own hands aside from other ramifications. The first is that of higher incidence of crime and the second relates to sliding human rights scenario. In between there is a lurking suspicion whether the real criminals are being caught. This stems from the fact most grisly murder incidents are going unsolved with criminals roaming around in a state complete impunity or being shielded away. An impression has grown that law is not for weak and vulnerable and that the general sense of insecurity of the citizens is on the rise.

The ASK report on human right violations draws on newspaper stories. Ironically but not surprisingly perhaps, the journalists themselves are falling prey to killers' hands. At least three journalists were killed in the period under review and forty-three have faced intimidation and death threats allegedly from ruling party men, government officials and criminals. Equally concerning is the fact that a couple of hundred journalists were tortured and one went missing while returning home from work.

Given the vulnerability of journalists it won't be long before they would need special security arrangements to carry out their duties in sensitive beats. A sense of denial of information is collateral to lack of security.

Relocating tanneries

No excuse for inordinate delay

The continuing delay in relocating Hazaribagh tanneries to Savar is inexcusable. One of the reasons for Buriganga's extremely bad state is the effluents that run off into this river which is the lifeline of the capital. All the leather factories should have been moved to the new location with an ETP set up in the new leather estate by February 2010, according to a Supreme Court order.

However, last year the government had sought two years as grace period from the court, which will also be over next year.

It is unimaginable that there is no palpable action on the nearly Tk.500 crore ETP project even after three months that the contract was signed with a foreign firm in February this year. It is a pity that the government is yet to start construction of the buildings to house the ETP.

Clearing Hazaribagh is contingent upon the construction of the ETP, without which relocation of the tanneries and leather factories will make no sense at all.

The government can ill afford to drag its feet on relocating the Hazaribagh tanneries to the designated spot in Savar for more than one reason. For apart from putting a stop to disgorging tannery effluents into the Buriganga river and settling damages claimed by tannery owners and looking into other related issues, it will also be a race against time. The project must be completed ahead of 2014 keeping an eye on EU's compliance requirements.

Given its urgency, it is hoped that the government will consider the matter with highest priority and complete the project within the stipulated time.

Children's nourishment under threat

Future in jeopardy

Despite government claims to the contrary, data published by government institutions point to some disturbing facts about child malnutrition and mortality. Child malnutrition has decreased nationally over the last five years, according to Bangladesh Demographic and Health Service (BDHS) 2011 but there is a flipside to it. This is reflected in the Sylhet division where up to 49 per cent of all children belonging to lower income groups suffer from large-scale malnutrition, this figure goes up to 51 per cent in families where mothers are less educated.

These statistics all point to changing food patterns, that too for the worse, in rural Bangladesh. A joint study by the Bangladesh government and USAID on income and expenditure at Thana level concludes that food consumption patterns at village level have undergone a fundamental transformation. The rural populace were found to be consuming more rice and less protein. Protein including meat and fish, milk and milk-based products consumption at rural level was found to be much lower than urban centres of population. Although the lack of knowledge on nutrition is partly to blame, there is no denying the fact that economic hardship has played a major role in this lopsided food basket rural people in general, and children in particular, are consuming today. On this issue, according to Trading Corporation of Bangladesh data, average prices of food essentials like cooking oil, lentil, fish, farm chicken and free range chicken have shot up between 9.68% and 38.46% over the last one year.

Indeed, the case of child malnutrition is directly responsible for half the child mortality Bangladesh suffers each year. Looking at it from the economic perspective, malnutrition costs the nation an estimated Tk75 billion in lost productivity as adults who have suffered malnutrition as children lack the physical strength of average healthy adults. Even if one looks at the national average of 41 per cent of children suffering malnutrition, the fact that 4 out of 10 adults in the future workforce having less of an ability to contribute is a daunting figure. Food aid that is tailor-made to children's needs is needed and steps need to be taken today as opposed to tomorrow to make them available nationwide.

(Dated-01/07/2012)

Youth power raring to be harnessed

Valuable suggestions from Prof Yunus and Garan

What Prof Yunus said on Friday while addressing the opening ceremony of the "Social Business Forum 2012" at the North South University was not only relevant to a growing younger generation but also inspirational for them. There was a message for the educationists as well. In what is a sharp critique of the present education system, he said education today is merely job oriented and motivates students to earn as much money as possible. In a bid to reverse this trend, he urged all universities to have their curricula reshaped and text materials rewritten. They have to set a different goal for the students, which as well as giving a good job will infuse in them a sense of responsibility towards society, a skill for resolving social problems and serving its downtrodden people.

Likewise, he called for a substantial change in the existing business models. Whereas today's corporate business models are obsessed with profit maximization and see money-making as an end in itself, he envisions a model that will see money-making as a means to solving mounting social problems. The Nobel Laureate pins his hope on the educated youth and calls upon them to come forward to set up businesses where serving the social ends selflessly will be the predominant goal rather than personally driven profit maximization.

In another programme, Nasa astronaut Ronald Garan who came to attend the third Social Business Day event at Savar and delivered a lecture on "Planet and Life in Space: An Orbital Perspective" struck a responsive chord in the youth. Elaborating his idea of ''orbital perspective'', he likened the earth with a spaceship in the universe and said that all human beings are interconnected and riding together in the same spaceship like a family. Referring to the youth, he stressed that they have got all the tools they need to change the world.

Taken together, they have lighted the pathway for the youth to be an engine for change in society and in the world, consigning poverty to museum.

(Dated 01/07/2012)