EDITORIAL : THE NEW STRAITS TIMES, MALAYSIA

Learning from China

MALAYSIA and China have fostered a steadily deepening relationship, which is now poised to expand significantly into the rich field of education. The signing of an agreement to mutually recognise each other's universities, expected during the deputy prime minister's current visit to Beijing, has been in the offing for some time. The logic of this is evident. China is rising in the education stakes, on the heels of its political and economic clout. It has some of the highest internationally-ranked universities. Peking University, for example, established more than a hundred years ago is ranked 47th by the QS World University Ranking of 500 universities worldwide. Domestically, it is second only to Tsinghua, which is regarded by outsiders as China's best. It also is second only to America in research papers produced and fifth in the world in international patents held. Malaysian premier universities can share in combined pools of knowledge by setting up branches in China, and vice-versa, so as to turn themselves into hubs of international repute.

Of course, China is a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council because it is a nuclear power, which by inference means that it is not short of nuclear scientists. It manufactures fighter jets, sends rockets into space, pioneered several medical advances -- you name it, China does it. Is it any wonder that it is the world's second largest economy? China is a global leader and not merely a threat to be contained. It makes sense for Malaysia to pursue educational synergies and recognise degrees from China's institutions of higher education. This will pave the way for educational exchanges, not just between Chinese and Malaysians. Bilateral hook-ups will enhance Malaysia's and China's attraction to foreign students. More importantly, it opens areas of skills shortage in advanced technology to Chinese intellectual input -- so necessary for the success of the nation's push up the value chain and out of the middle income trap.

While the Western ascendancy has played a large part in bringing the country to where it is today, Malaysia has always had the foresight to know where its interests lie. Relations with China were trailblazed by then prime minister Tun Abdul Razak Hussein in 1974. China is now well placed to provide the support needed to realise a knowledge economy that is regionally and internationally competitive. Malaysia is a small nation in the middle of rapidly globalising economic forces that punish laggards. The obvious way ahead is an intellectual one and includes tapping into the educational raw material of an economy that has grown unstoppably for decades.

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY TRIBUNE, THE PHILIPPINES

Bottomline: Noy has not delivered



 

The nation seems to have acquired a belligerent president in the person of Noynoy Aquino, resulting in what is expected to be more hardships for Filipinos as the economic difficulties are aggravated by the political friction he has been, and still is, causing.

The House opposition, which is at the moment mainly the wing supporting former president and now Pampanga Rep. Gloria Arroyo, is offering critical collaboration to get things going primarily in the legislative mill, but Noynoy’s response to the offer was his spokesmen letting loose a barrage of wisecracks against the Arroyo camp.

Noynoy has shown, too many times, that he is not presidential at all, and worse, there appears to be no hope of his ever conducting himself as President of the Republic as well as a statesman. Neither, it seems, are his spokesmen conducting themselves with proper decorum, since they too, engage in sniping at Noynoy’s political foes and demeaning the Office of the President.

Gloria indeed should be made to answer for a lot of allegations of improprieties during her term, but an earnest offer for political collaboration should have been entertained since nothing is really moving in terms of governance under Noynoy.

What the nation has are frequent speeches about the ills of the past topped by already annoying spiels about the straight path and ending poverty and corruption — all rhetoric, and not an iota of substance in these spiels.

Noynoy has given the nation a pure talk show of an administration. It exudes all the bravura in his and in most of the other speeches of officials under him, but it has become only too clear that they are direly short of equivalent achievements.

Even his much hyped Truth Commission, the creation which was among his first presidential proclamation, appeared to have reached a legal deadend since the Supreme Court had ruled that its creation was against the Constitution — although the high court did provide guidelines on how to create such a body within constitutional parameters, which Noynoy has refused to do, relishing instead in more of his snipes at the SC justices.

It is tempting to surmise that Noynoy is keeping up the word war against the camp of Gloria as a way of diverting public notice from his administration’s incompetency that is becoming more conspicuous by the day.

Launching a war against anybody is a worn-out political gambit to win public support. Former Argentina President Leopold Galtieri even had to provoke a war with mighty Britain over the Falkland Islands just to turn around public sentiment on his military junta.

Noynoy’s ratings are starting to dive, obviously as a result of the public growing weary over the same line of promises dished out by Noynoy in each of his speeches about a clean government and running after all the public scalawags while remaining directionless and visionless.

He, however, has proven that he does not practice what he preaches about cleaning the government of incompetent and corrupt officials.

In too many occasions, Noynoy would defend close allies who are patently corrupt or inefficient.

By keeping up the friction with Gloria, Noynoy apparently wants to rally the nation behind him against a perceived enemy.

The enemy, however, is not exactly Gloria herself but the corruption and abuse of power that have plagued her administration for the past nine years.

The hope for Noynoy to eradicate these problems in one fell swoop was what made voters offer him a crack at the presidency.

Such problems remain, however.

Of course it would be convenient for Noynoy to put the blame on Gloria for all the ills that bug his administration, including those he created.

EDITORIAL : THE INDEPENDENT. ie, IRELAND

Report provides us with little more than wisdom of hindsight

A newspaper feature yesterday profiled the case of a Longford man weighed down by negative equity, who has to commute to Galway because he cannot afford to sell his house, and who also carries the burden of two overpriced apartments in Bulgaria.

If Peter Nyberg is right about anything in his report on the banking crash, he is right in saying that an awful lot of people were involved. Including, the report says, the media. It has been observed that there is nothing so fascinating -- and upsetting -- as the sight of one's neighbour getting rich. Naturally, there will be enormous media coverage of such events, some involving bubble blowing.

Newspapers did very well from property advertising during the boom. But some of the most blatant boosting was on television, where the attraction was not advertising, but audience. People were, and are, fascinated by property values. Some programmes of this kind are still on air, and their content is still often dubious.

We might be accused of special pleading when we suggest Nyberg could have made more of the dissenting media voices, of which this newspaper's David McWilliams was one of the most strident. Or he might have considered more fully the implications of the storm of abuse which descended on journalist Richard Curran and the makers of the "Future Shock" programme which produced a remarkably accurate forecast of the consequences of a property price collapse.

Why would the banks, the property industry and, often, government politicians behave this way if, as the report, suggests, they did not see the risks, or lacked the expertise to recognise them.

Other parts of the report lend support to the idea that people in authority knew a great deal about the dangers, but did not want to derail such an enormous gravy train. Why else would Anglo executives not disclose letters from the Regulator to the bank's board? Why did Irish Nationwide under Michael Fingleton abandon all pretence at credit control? Troubling questions go on. Why would people in banks fear for their jobs if they spoke out on the risks? Why was the independent Central Bank scared of being unpopular? Unpopularity should be a badge of honour among central bankers.

The lack of even speculative answers to these questions means the Nyberg Report seems somehow unsatisfactory. The greatest frustrations concern the last weekend of September 2008, when the blanket guarantee was issued. We can readily believe the banks told the Government that they had only temporary borrowing problems. Three weeks later, British bankers told Gordon Brown the same thing. He did not believe them, but claims that was more instinct than hard information.

Mr Cowen and Mr Lenihan may well have been in the same position. But then comes the revelation that there are no formal minutes of those discussions. At the end of this tortuous three-year process, Mr Nyberg was actually unable to say what transpired that weekend.

It stretches belief to breaking point that no record was kept of momentous decisions which had the power to decide a whole country's fate. It raises again the nagging suspicion that guilty secrets are being hidden. The new Government's proposals to strengthen the power of Oireachtas committees are welcome. Michael Noonan suggests that top bankers be hauled before the new committees for a more personalised grilling. He should make sure that the politicians and officials involved also appear. We are unlikely to learn anything new. The purpose would be to start to do things in a new way. Mr Nyberg appears to have been a bit shocked by the endemic secrecy of life at the top in Ireland and the fear of stepping out of line.

There is no great hurry to improve risk awareness at Irish banks. The urgent need is to reduce the formal and informal powers of government ministers and bring Irish officialdom blinking into the light, before the new coalition gets to like the present arrangements.

All of this will feed into the furore of the payoff to former AIB chief Colm Doherty, but this is not as simple as it may appear. €2m of the €3m was to pay for a pension which will provide a decent percentage of his final €500,000 salary. Such a pension is ferociously expensive, but not as expensive as those awarded to the last two taoisigh, who presided over the disaster, or to the senior civil servants who failed so miserably in their duties.

EDITORIAL : THE AUSTRALIAN, AUSTRALIA

ABC on song when Ita's on TV

PAPER Giants showcases talent telling Australian stories.

Ita Buttrose was so surprisingly popular that in 1980, when she was editor of The Australian Women's Weekly and recognised mainly from that magazine's television commercials, the bad boys of rock, Cold Chisel, released a hit song singing, "How could I not believe, when Ita tells me to?" Now, decades on, her life has fascinated younger generations through a television mini-series. The ABC's Paper Giants covered the earlier part of Ms Buttrose's career when she was the founding editor of Cleo magazine. Part biopic, part drama and part social history, the series captured something of the early 1970s social, sexual and political revolutions. Well written and directed, with seamless interweaving of nostalgic footage of Sydney, the production benefited from exceptional acting performances. It captured the essence of the events and the characters without being unsympathetic to the late media moguls, Frank Packer and son Kerry, or hiding something of the resolute toughness of the young mother and editor. The Australian congratulates the ABC and all those involved for a clear and successful example of the corporation fulfilling part of its charter and for providing an entertaining showcase of creative Australian talent, as it exists now and as it contributed to our nation then.

Joyce returns to state of origin

THE Queensland senator is destined to be the next Nationals leader.

Like a political jouster, the senator from St George is heading off to try to slay the dragon. Barnaby Joyce, for all his faults and legions of detractors, is an irresistible political force. His move to the house of government has been touted for years and now looks likely to occur south of the border, which will disappoint his Queensland supporters. But the fact it pits him against the former Nationals hopeful and now independent MP Tony Windsor, who has infuriated his former colleagues by installing a Labor government, only makes the story of the state-of-origin crusade all the more dramatic. Senator Joyce, born in Tamworth and with strong connections in the New England region, knows better than most how formidable Mr Windsor could prove.

Known around the nation by his first name alone, Barnaby is a backwoods politician with an instinct for popular sentiment who has had a powerful impact in just six years in parliament. Australia's most vocal National since Tim Fischer, he is cut from similar cloth and probably one day is destined to assume his party's leadership, should he successfully make the transition to the House of Representatives. This means there is a likelihood, should the Coalition win government, that in the next five or six years he could become deputy prime minister. That thought both amuses and frightens the urban Left but Prime Minister Julia Gillard needs to contain any mocking tones. Ridiculing Senator Joyce could be a trap for Labor because it might further alienate those Australians who oppose the carbon tax and admire politicians who are prepared to speak their minds.

All the same, Senator Joyce will need to temper some of his more eccentric observations and, more importantly, rethink some of his interventionist economic leanings. If he is to become an effective leader he will need to be consultative, economically consistent and open to compromise. He was found short as opposition finance spokesman and has since improved his performance. He needs to understand it is possible for mavericks to become leaders, but leaders can't be mavericks.

With Labor's fate hinging on the carbon tax, it will be aware that Senator Joyce was a prime mover in the game-changing events that reversed the Coalition's climate change policy and installed Tony Abbott as leader. The senator has been far more effective in attacking the government's emissions trading and carbon tax plans than the government has been in selling them.

Labor's workplace system is undermining economy

INDUSTRIAL relations reform is now an urgent imperative.

If Tony Abbott uses part of his Easter break to reflect on the big issues facing the Australian economy, he should revisit his old ministerial stamping ground -- industrial relations. Eighteen months after Labor's system took effect, Julia Gillard's mantra that it "will be good for productivity" has proved so patently false that an overhaul of workplace relations to restore flexibility is now a first-order issue, more important to the nation's prosperity than the carbon tax, mining tax or welfare reform.

As the system stands, trade unions are enjoying most things their own way -- including the fact that seven of the past eight appointees to Fair Work Australia are former union officials or others with backgrounds in the labour movement.

After giving Labor's system a go, industry leaders have begun pointing out its pitfalls. Australian Industry Group chief executive Heather Ridout, who has worked constructively with the government, has called for an overhaul of the Fair Work Act, citing the problem of unions using clauses falsely badged as "job security" to restrict the hiring of contractors. That ruse, which worked for the Transport Workers Union in the road transport industry, has been extended in a militant push to curtail the use of outside labour by Qantas. Qantas chief executive Alan Joyce is right to brand it a "kamikaze campaign" because of its potential to drive customers to other brands and destroy jobs.

Ms Ridout also opposes Fair Work Australia's "strike first, negotiate later" decision in relation to Sydney waste management company J. J. Richards & Sons. That issue, which has major implications for all industries, including mining, is being pursued in the tribunal by the AIG, the Australian Mines and Metals Association and the Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry.

Opposition workplace relations spokesman Eric Abetz admits that the Coalition does not have a "policy document on the table" and says the legislation needs to be given time to "bed down". The Coalition remains haunted by the fatal political damage inflicted by Labor and the ACTU over Work Choices in 2007. But the national interest demands that Mr Abbott move off the sidelines with an effective policy well before the next election. Among other points, he must show how the system can be tightened to ensure the wage boom in the mining sector does not flow to sectors struggling with a strong dollar, such as manufacturing. He is right to support sharper teeth for the building industry watchdog, which under the Howard government boosted productivity by billions of dollars in that industry.

Gold Coast backbencher Steve Ciobo has made a sound case as to why businesses employing up to 20 fulltime workers should not be subject to the unfair dismissal laws. And his South Australian colleague, Jamie Briggs, is right to favour employers not being forced into unsustainable wage rises beyond productivity gains and the reinstatement of 1996-style individual workplace agreements, which predated Work Choices by more than a decade.

If business is to succeed in leading the IR debate it must explain why restricting the ability of companies to adapt to change, restructure and maintain flexible workforces according to the business cycle will undermine community prosperity. In some ways, it is a harder and more complex case to sell to voters than the "your rights at work" anti-Work Choices campaign. But business has the resources to show that independent contractors are losing out, and to help the public understand how and why unfair dismissal laws impact on small and medium business and discourage employment. Small business should also emphasise that rigid awards are keeping students out of casual work by forcing employers to pay for longer shifts than many shopkeepers can afford.

As the debate progresses, the Coalition must draw up a policy that excludes the worst excesses of Work Choices while restoring flexibility and linking pay rises to productivity gains. It is a faint hope that Labor will amend its system. But pressure should be applied debunking Ms Gillard's claims that no one would be worse off under Labor's system and that the economy would reap productivity gains. After 18 months, the economy, companies and some workers are the losers.

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY NATIONAL POST, CANADA

Suffer the children

The health of any society is reflected in the fate of its children. The most successful communities tend to be those where children learn their values in stable, safe households led by regularly employed, well-educated parents. When this formula breaks down -whether because of substance abuse, domestic violence or parental abandonment -children are put at greater risk of ending up on the street, or on drugs. All this is well known: The link between parental dysfunction and negative childhood outcomes has been the subject of generations of social-policy research in both the United States and Canada.

And yet, when it comes to Canada's defining policy failing -the squalor and hopelessness that characterize many native reserves -we pretend that none of this research exists. It is imagined that what native children truly need to prosper are not the standard building blocks of successful families, but rather some uniquely aboriginal, government-funded solution fashioned by autonomous native leaders acting on their own culturally authentic principles.

The geographical manifestation of this folly is our country's massively subsidized reserve system, which -through welfare and tax policy -encourages natives to remain in what are essentially ethnically segregated villages run on Soviet economic principles, rather than integrate into urban, multicultural job centres. The human manifestation of this folly is the piteous state of many native children, a massively disproportionate number of whom end up in foster care every year because their own biological families are incapable of caring for them.

Acting on the belief that culture trumps all, Canadian child-care workers generally are mandated to find native homes for these children, even if white households are available, with the result that many children spend years in needless limbo. In no other policy context do we permit such overtly racist practices to interfere with the clear material well-being of a fleshand-blood human being.

We have occasion to recite all this because Ontario's Minister of Children and Youth, Laurel Broten, has just convened the province's first ever summit on native child welfare in Fort William First Nation, an Ojibway reserve near Thunder Bay. According to a Toronto Star report, Ms. Broten heard about the litany of problems facing native communities in Ontario, including mouldy schools, polluted water, and sub-standard housing. Worse is the human toll: prescription-drug addiction, alcoholism, broken homes and even teen suicides. Many local activists are taking heroic measures to address the problem: Star reporter Tanya Talaga spoke with one woman, Cindy Bannon, who has taken in four foster children. But their efforts are not nearly enough to cope with such widescale problems.

The activists Ms. Broten heard from wanted the government to do something about all this -and there apparently was much discussion about whether Ottawa or Queen's Park should be taking the lead in bankrolling this project. But the question is moot: This country already spends on the order of $10-billion for on-reserve programs -an amount in excess of the operating budget of the City of Toronto, despite the fact there are only about 400,000 people living on reserves. Even the most generous government handouts cannot build functional societies in places that lack an educated workforce or any sort of self-sustaining private economy or civil society. Indeed, more billions may even make matters worse by deepening natives' collective welfare trap.

This description does not apply to all native communities, of course. Some, especially those close to cities, truly are developing into business-friendly middle-class enclaves. But many remote communities such as Yellow Quill, Kashechewan and Natuashish -the ones we tends to hear about in the news when something especially terrible happens -harbour far more than their fair share of human misery.

The best way to create healthy children is to create healthy families -which can only be accomplished in communities that offer real jobs and the prospect of a productive life. As we know from studying inner cities, welfare-trap policies strip away the social function of adults, especially men. Absent the discipline of workaday life, too many fathers drift away into street life and addiction. Many mothers follow suit, or stay at home and are overwhelmed by the pressures of parenthood in communities that offer little in the way of social support.

Laurel Broten is to be applauded for examining the problems faced by Ontario's native communities. Not many politicians are willing even to cast a glance at this issue. But the longterm solution must be to empower individuals to find their potential, not to simply prop up failed communities for their own sake. Until integration -not race separation -becomes our goal, native children will pay the price in tragic ways.

EDITORIAL : THE NEW YORK TIMES, USA

A Rational Budget for the Pentagon

In their budget-cutting zeal, Republicans are demanding harsh sacrifices from the country’s most vulnerable citizens. At the same, they are determined to leave one of the biggest areas of wasteful government spending untouched: the Pentagon budget.

The budget plan they pushed through the House this month would spend $7.5 trillion on the military over the next dozen years. And that does not include the cost of actual war-fighting. The country cannot afford to spend that much, and it doesn’t need to.

The $7.5 trillion was President Obama’s projection, which he has since lowered to $7.1 trillion. Saving $400 billion is better but still not enough, especially since it can be achieved merely by holding annual nonwar-related spending at its current swollen level, adjusted for inflation.

National security is a fundamental responsibility of government. Since Sept. 11, 2001, the Pentagon has spent without limits and in some cases without sense. Annual budgets, adjusted for inflation, have grown by 50 percent in the past decade. And that is apart from the more than $1 trillion spent on operations in Iraq and Afghanistan.

The White House and Congress must impose some rationality on this process. Here is a path that could save hundreds of billions of dollars more through 2024:

PERSONNEL Pay and benefits account for nearly half of the basic Pentagon budget. The size of the uniformed services should not be reduced, at least for now. The Pentagon’s civilian work force, currently 650,000, should be cut by up to 10 percent, saving more than $7 billion a year.

We in no way minimize the sacrifices made by our men and women in uniform. But after years of lagging far behind, military pay is now more than $5,000 a year higher than comparable civilian employment, more than $10,000 a year higher when special allowances and benefits are counted. Freezing noncombat pay for three years would save $3 billion per year. The formula for future increases should be adjusted to incorporate allowances and benefits, saving an additional $5 billion a year. 

Another $4 billion to $6 billion annually could be saved by reasonable increases in annual health insurance premiums for military retirees of working age. Those premiums — currently $460 per family — have been frozen for the past 15 years while health care costs soared.

All told, these changes would save about $20 billion annually or more than $200 billion over the next 12 years.

FORCE STRUCTURE The Pentagon took too long to recognize that today’s wars make more intensive demands on the Army and Marines and less on the Navy and Air Force. Ground forces have been increased, but that needs to be paid for by corresponding reductions at sea and in the air. That shift has already begun but needs to go further. Another $1 billion to $2 billion a year could be saved by reducing the number of aircraft carrier groups from 11 to 10 and associated air wings from 10 to 9.

PROCUREMENT Twenty years after the cold war’s end, the Pentagon is addicted to hugely expensive weapons systems that are poorly suited to current and future military needs. Defense Secretary Robert Gates successfully pressed Congress to end production of the costly Air Force F-22. He now needs to cut way back on the far overbudget F-35 Joint Strike Fighter. Far fewer of these are needed to assure American dominance of the skies. Terminating the deeply troubled Marine Corps version of the F-35 and cutting back the Navy and Air Force versions by 50 percent would save $130 billion over the life of the program, with most of those savings achieved in the 2020s. Eliminating the Marine Corps’ costly and accident-prone V-22 Osprey vertical take off and landing aircraft would save another $10 billion to $12 billion. Further savings may be possible by scaling down future orders for the Virginia class nuclear attack submarine and reconsidering the newly vulnerable littoral combat ship.

For too long America’s military spending decisions have been insulated from serious scrutiny or discipline. The result is that more than 50 cents of every dollar of discretionary federal spending now goes to the Pentagon. There is no way to bring the deficit under control without making substantial and rational cuts in that budget.

Good Advice From S.& P.

Anything the credit rating agencies say has to be taken with a block of salt. In the run-up to the financial crisis, they were enablers of excess, happily slapping AAA ratings on the toxic assets of their Wall Street customers. The same happened with Enron and other debacles.

So it was encouraging to see markets recover quickly from the news on Monday that Standard & Poor’s had lowered its outlook on the United States rating from stable to negative. Still, the announcement is worth reflecting on.

The gist of the report is that the credit standing of the United States will be impaired unless credible political action is undertaken to address its long-term budget deficits and large national debt burden.

In what amounts to a warning to lawmakers and other government leaders to get moving on deficit reduction, S.& P. said that there was a 1-in-3 chance that it could lower the AAA rating of the United States government within two years. That could cause interest rates to rise and to stay high, increasing the burden of paying back the debt and weakening the economy at large.

If the S.& P. warning convinces Congressional Republicans not to play games later this spring, when votes will be needed to raise the nation’s debt limit, it will have done some good. Republican rhetoric to the contrary, a debt limit vote is not the appropriate place to make a stand about future budgets. It pertains to obligations already incurred — like the Medicare drug benefit and the war in Afghanistan, both from the Bush era and financed by creditors who expect and deserve to be paid in full and on time.

If the warning is misconstrued to mean that deep and immediate spending cuts are needed — as Republicans have claimed — it will be counterproductive. Even S.& P. noted that given the difficult compromises ahead, the earliest plausible date to begin deficit reduction is late 2013, when the budget for fiscal year 2014 is due. What investors need to see before then, the report noted, is the emergence and debate of credible budget plans, with an eye toward implementation after the election in 2012. That is both politically realistic and economically sound because deep deficit reduction before then would risk derailing the economic recovery.

As credit raters, S.& P. and the other ratings agencies have squandered their credibility. But as a launcher of a shot across the bow in the budget battle, S.& P. did well.

Making Campuses Safer

Federal statistics suggest that as many as 1 in 5 women will be victims of sexual assault during their college years. Far too many women who report their attackers are then victimized by complaint systems that are difficult to navigate and disciplinary proceedings that are stacked against them. The Education Department’s civil rights office has issued new guidelines for schools with the aim of making campuses safer.

At the moment, the department has open investigations of possible Title IX violations at several universities, including Yale, where 16 students and recent graduates have accused the university of tolerating a hostile environment toward women on campus.

The guidelines press schools to have a zero-tolerance attitude toward sexual assault and harassment and to adopt a complaint process that gives equal protection to the accusers and accused. Schools that fail to comply would be at risk of losing federal aid or facing legal sanctions.

The new guidance requires that the accuser and the accused have the same rights. The guidance makes clear that both the accused and the accuser also need to be notified in writing about outcomes of complaint procedures. It further warns schools that they must not try to dissuade accusers from filing criminal complaints either during or after the internal investigations that schools are required to undertake.

Schools will also have to create violence-prevention programs that include better training for coaches, residence hall counselors and others. A cultural change is essential to make campuses safer places for all.

Gov. Brewer Shows Some Moxie

A ray of sunshine emanating from a most unlikely source briefly penetrated the gloom of Arizona’s right-wing politics on Monday.

To the consternation of her Republican allies in the State Legislature, Gov. Jan Brewer of Arizona vetoed two absurd bills: one allowing guns on university campuses; the other requiring presidential candidates to provide detailed proof of citizenship, including a sworn affidavit and a long-form birth certificate, before they could appear on the Arizona ballot.

Ms. Brewer called the ballot bill “a bridge too far.” That’s saying something coming from a governor who, last year, proudly signed a mean-spirited measure giving local police extraordinary powers to arrest anyone who could not immediately prove they were here legally.

Ms. Brewer was less forthright in her veto statement on the gun bill. An earlier version would have allowed guns anywhere on campus, including classrooms. The final bill would have allowed weapons on “a public right of way,” presumably sidewalks and roads, but the governor said she found the language too vague. This leaves open the disturbing possibility that Ms. Brewer, a strong advocate of gun rights, might someday sign a more precisely worded measure.

This does not mean that Ms. Brewer is a new person politically, but it does suggest that she has limits. Her allies in the state’s over-the-top Legislature need to find some of their own. 
  

EDITORIAL : THE GUARDIAN, UK

       

US fiscal policy: In place of prudence

It is not about the right deficit for this year or next. It is about the need for a semblance of balance over the decades ahead

In Britain, deficit denial is a charge the right lays at the door of the left. Across the Atlantic, the term is being hurled by ratings agencies at Washington's newly divided government. Markets got the jitters on Monday after Standard & Poor's said, for the first time in 70 years of US bond watching, that it could soon cease to regard the sovereign IOUs of the world's sole superpower as copper-bottomed guarantees.

The gnomes of the ratings agencies have had a dire crisis. Long in hock to vested interests, they only saw the private crunch coming after it arrived. There is justified anger as they now sit in judgment over small and cash-strapped democracies. The US, however, is a different matter. The planet regards its bonds as the safest of financial harbours, and no second-rater in any agency could transform this perception on his own. S&P's verdict hit home because it reflects what any Washington watcher can see. The US has grown keener on spending than paying its taxes, and is saddled with a political economy that punishes leaders who try to bring the two things back into line. The point here is not about the right deficit for this year or next, or the valuable role of pump-priming in a slump. It is rather about the need for a semblance of balance over the decades ahead.

The irony is that the starting point is not dire. The lapsing of Bush-era tax cuts, which were legislated to be temporary, and the rise in taxable incomes once prosperity returns would have done much of the work automatically, if they had been allowed to take their course. Instead, the debate has been framed by Paul Ryan, Republican chair of the House budget committee, who is bent on pushing all of the pain on to the expenditure side while actually cutting taxes. This would be fantastically hard in any ageing society, since the only pressure on the pensions bill is upward. It is doubly hard to achieve in the US, which is obliged to foot the runaway costs of marketised healthcare for the elderly. Without change, that burden would more than double as a share of GDP.

Mr Ryan's solution is to shred the medical safety net for the old. The social effects would be dire, and potentially compounded by derailment of Barack Obama's reforms that would put a lid on the costs. What matters for the deficit, though, is whether it is politically sellable. In a nation with the patchiest and priciest medicines in the rich world, that seems most unlikely.

If a failure to face up to the need to raise taxes is coupled to a failure to devise credible savings, the US will sleepwalk into a spiral in which debt interest gobbles up ever more of its resources. This disaster could still be averted, but with a check or balance in the way of every tax rise, it can no longer be ruled out.

Libya: Mission creak

With boots already on the ground, Nato's military involvement in the civil war in Libya is deepening step by step

The 20 British and French military advisers being sent to help the rebels in Benghazi do not constitute an occupation force. They are advisers rather than trainers, but they are boots on the ground. With every step being taken by those boots, Nato's military involvement in the civil war in Libya is deepening. Just as significant was the extension of Nato's target list to include Gaddafi's telephone exchanges and small satellite communications systems, which have ominously been labelled dual-use. The announcements in London and Brussels yesterday were the third shift since the UN resolution authorised a no-fly zone over Libya. The others were the decision to send body armour to the rebels, and Barack Obama putting his name to a letter which said there was no future for Libya with Gaddafi in power. The war aims, which Mr Obama had earlier vowed would not be broadened to include regime change, had just got broader.

Each step has fuelled fears of mission creep, although, as one observer said yesterday, preventing the mission from collapsing altogether may be closer to the mark. Each of these steps is cumulative, and the direction of travel should concern us all. A month ago it appeared to some that Gaddafi's forces would fold like a pack of cards shortly after the first Tomahawks flew over. However, in many instances the opposite has happened. They have adapted to the urban battlefield, hidden their heavy weapons underground, put snipers on the rooftops of Misrata and shelled rebel-held areas with cluster bombs. Their missile launchers are no longer sitting ducks. Nato officials said yesterday that strikes on a communications centre of Gaddafi's crack 32nd brigade had reduced the regime's ability to direct its forces on Brega and Ajdabiya. But at the same time they had to admit that strikes such as these had little effect on the street-to-street fighting in Misrata, which the Canadian commander of the air campaign, Lieutenant-General Charles Bouchard, likened to a knife fight in a phone booth – it was difficult to get into the middle of it. In other words, an intervention conducted in the name of protecting civilian life in Benghazi may have had the opposite effect in Misrata, Ras Lanuf, Brega and Ajdabiya.

Misrata could well become the turning point. It is the place where the aims of protecting the lives of non-combatants and advancing the war aims of one set of combatants have become fused and are now indistinguishable from one another. As the fighting continues, the symbolic effect of Nato's moves has also diminished. A month ago they might have been catalysts to those around Gaddafi who had no wish to be on the losing side. But today their psychological effect is not so obvious. Gaddafi is hardly quaking in his boots. If he were, his forces might have disengaged. Instead the fighting is spreading, and he may think he still has every hope of capturing Misrata. If that were to happen, he would have stopped the armed rebellion in its tracks.

There are now two options: digging in for the long haul in the expectation that the rebels will one day become a fighting force. This would mean that the steps we saw yesterday would not be the last, as Nato ratchets up its presence in the air and on the ground. The second option is to go back to pursuing a diplomatic initiative of the type proposed by the African Union or Turkey. As the balance of power now stands, one or other of the Gaddafi clan might well remain in power. Neither option is appealing, but from the logic of the UN resolution it is surely the second route that would stop the suffering of civilians sooner. To the rebels in Benghazi, Gaddafi's son Saif has shed his role as the public face of human rights reform. He has become as unacceptable as any other member of the Gaddafi clan. And yet in the absence of the collapse of the regime, he may end up as the face diplomats have to deal with.

In praise of … the M1

The spine of England and a seemingly unavoidable element of any road journey between north and south

The M1  is one of those bits of Britain that everyone knows but nobody likes. Details of its route must be lodged in the minds of a very large proportion of the population, a national unifier in dreary grey concrete. Route 66 it isn't. There's no joy in driving the M1's full length, unless your destination is a happy one, but the sight of things such as the radio masts at Daventry or the point, by junction 19, where the lights are replaced by darkness are memories most people share. So are the endless roadworks – currently under way along its length in Barnsley, Buckinghamshire and Barnet, where last week's fire pushed the road, unexpectedly, into the news bulletins. But then the M1 is only ever noticed when things go wrong on it. It lacks even the debatable beauty of more elegant bits of the motorway network – the Chilterns cutting on the M40, the Shap moorlands on the M6, and the farmhouse trapped between the carriageways high on the M62. None of these roads matter as much as the M1, the spine of England and a seemingly unavoidable element of any road journey between north and south. It has been woven unnoticed into all sorts of lives since the first section opened, in 1959. At the start of the Beatles' 1965 tour, George Harrison's guitar fell off the roof of his Austin Princess on to the M1. Maybe somewhere, in some lost corner of the central reservation, the bits are still there: the M1 can be horrible, dangerous, ugly – but above all it is an unloved national lifeline.
 

EDITORIAL : THE GLOBAL TIMES, CHINA

BRICS' development lies in strategy of shared prosperity

As this year progresses, the whole world has seemed to be stuck in the mud from the unrest in the Middle East.

In contrast, leaders from Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, or the BRICS, met in Sanya, Hainan Province last week, vowing to join forces in reshaping the global political and economic orders and to seek shared prosperity.

The momentum exhibited by the cooperation among the BRICS is so robust that some view it as a brand new player, the B5 to rival the G7.

The success of the BRICS cooperation mechanism is mainly reliant on the internal driving forces between the members rather than on external pressure or irrational impulses.

The cooperation between BRICS countries sets up a new model of international cooperation, as the horrors of the financial crisis still echo, and represents the effort to bring about a new international order.

In his speech titled "Broad Vision, Shared Prosperity," Chinese President Hu Jintao shared his observations on maintaining global peace and stability, on promoting the common development of all countries, on bolstering international exchanges and cooperation as well as on strengthening partnership among the BRICS for common development.

Firstly, common development serves as the fundament. To share prosperity is the only way forward for BRICS countries after the financial crisis. It is a common aspiration among all countries, both developed and developing, to seek swift economic recovery.

To seek common development is the main reason that compelled the BRICS members to come together.  With a total population of 3 billion, BRICS countries are culturally and socially diverse.

Countries that attach undue emphasis to their own interests, sell so-called "universally-accepted values" or seek protectionism cannot make lasting alliances on the international arena. Equality is stressed as part of seeking development among the BRICS countries.

Secondly, the ultimate goal of the BRICS countries is to establish a more equal and fairer world with a new system. Global challenges such as earthquakes, tsunamis, hurricanes, droughts and diseases, which dwarf conflicts between nations, have raised the international alarm bells.

Serving as an important platform for dialogue, BRICS countries seek pragmatic cooperation despite any historical spats and territorial disputes they may have.

Thirdly, stability is also capital, as recognized by all the BRICS members and serving as a cornerstone in the creation of new international orders.

In retrospect, economic crises always bring about instability and turbulence to the world, and have even initiated wars and conflicts. At this crucial moment, the utmost interest of the world is to maintain stability and to provide a peaceful environment for economic recovery.

A peaceful and stable international environment is an essential prerequisite for further development. 

Wage hike plans must be realistic

Yang Zhiming, vice minister of human resources and social security, said on Monday that China should strive to raise wages by 15 percent annually and to double its national average wage within five years. Such an increase would be welcome, but whether it can be achieved is doubtful. As shown by a Global Times poll on Tuesday, 93 percent of participants indicated that they had "no confidence" in this plan.

We hope Vice Minister Yang will provide further explanations. Any information about great benefits to society should not be left vague or incomplete.

Wages are the most sensitive topic in social production and distribution. Most countries only set minimum income standards instead of national wage growth rates. Few countries have established wage increase plans during tough times, but not in detail. Regarding the 15 percent annual growth rate, it is not clear by what leverage the government is going to implement such a high goal.

Chinese law does not have a mandatory bottom line for annual wage growth rates. The prosperous State-owned enterprises will be accused of wage hikes while ineffective private sector companies will be accused of failing to match the raise. This possible confusion should be fully assessed before the 15 percent goal is officially announced.

The government usually has approximate expectations for the indexes that would determine the wage increase. However, it is both innovative and risky to establish a wage increase guidance plan.

Workers' desire for more wages is evident, but policy-makers have to withstand such pressure. The welfare of the population also depends on the general health of the overall economic environment.

China has made outstanding achievements in improving livelihoods of late. It should thus conduct more management of public opinions toward welfare, making them consistent with reality. Public opinion should not stimulate consensus, nor disturb government officials.

It is vital to seek truth when dealing in public welfare issues. The Chinese government has enjoyed public trust in the economic indicators. After officials provide good news, society often takes this to heart, which will in turn lead to renewed pressure on policy makers.

Governments at all levels should renew focus on improving welfare for low-income people, and work to keep wage growth above inflation, thereby reducing the gap in income distribution.

In recent years, the government has actively tackled this issue. Regarding the increase of ordinary wages, a certain document has been put forward that workers' income growth should not be lower than that of the GDP. This guidance statement seems to be enough. The specific goal of 15 percent may not be able to motivate people.

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY YOMIURI, JAPAN

           

 

Keep children safe when they travel to school

The Yomiuri Shimbun

An everyday scene of children walking to school was turned into tragedy in an instant.

On Monday morning, a crane truck slammed into a group of children walking on the sidewalk of a national road to a primary school in Kanuma, Tochigi Prefecture. Six children were taken to hospital, but were later pronounced dead.

This is the deadliest traffic accident in recent years involving children on their way to or from school.

How did such a terrible accident happen? The cause must be thoroughly investigated so steps can be taken to prevent any repeat of this tragedy.

Between 20 and 30 children were walking in lines on the five-meter-wide sidewalk. The 12-ton crane truck coming from the opposite direction crossed the center line, mounted the curb and ran right through the middle of the group of children, hitting one after another. The sidewalk had no guardrail.

The accident occurred on a two-lane, straight road with good visibility. When children come into sight, even a passenger car driver will naturally take extra caution such as by slowing down. It should be all the more so for the driver of a heavy-duty vehicle. The truck's speed at the time of the accident is still unclear, but there were no signs of skids that indicate hard braking found near the accident site.

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Safety measures

The driver, who was arrested on suspicion of negligent driving resulting in injury, reportedly looked dazed and confused after getting out of the truck, telling people at the scene, "I'm sorry, I'm sorry." Police said he was not under the influence of alcohol.

After analyzing the details of the accident and pinpointing how it happened, it is necessary to implement measures to ensure the routes children travel to school are safe. Installing pedestrian barriers and reinforcing curbs are some measures that could be taken.

Traffic accidents involving children on their way to or from school or kindergarten happen too frequently.

In September 2006, a group of children who were taking a walk under the supervision of day care center staff along a road in Kawaguchi, Saitama Prefecture, was struck by a car whose driver was trying to adjust a music player and was not paying attention to the road. Four children died and 17 were injured, some seriously.

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Tougher punishments

After this accident, a new crime of negligent driving resulting in injury and death was added to the Penal Code in 2007. This crime is punishable by up to seven years in prison, a heavier penalty than the five years in prison that can be imposed for professional negligence resulting in injury and death.

Even so, families of traffic accident victims still complained that the maximum punishment is too light when considering the serious consequences that accidents have. These voices likely will grow louder in the wake of Monday's accident that took the lives of six children.

In regard to vehicle accidents, the crime of dangerous driving resulting in injury and death, which carries a punishment of up to 20 years in prison, came into force in December 2001. The maximum punishment for drunken driving also has been raised. Legal revisions have been made to impose heavier penalties on people who cause traffic accidents.

We ask all drivers to once again take extra care when they get behind the wheel. It is too late to regret one's actions after causing a serious traffic accident.

Kan must refrain from taking makeshift measures

The Yomiuri Shimbun

Prime Minister Naoto Kan's administration should honestly reflect on what went wrong in its initial response in dealing with the March 11 Great East Japan Earthquake and improve the way it is handling the ongoing crisis.

On Monday, the House of Councillors Budget Committee discussed issues related to the earthquake, tsunami and the crippled Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.

Masashi Waki, chairman of the Liberal Democratic Party's Diet Affairs Committee of the upper house, said the government failed to respond promptly to the nuclear crisis because Kan's inspection of the plant and a meeting of leaders from the ruling and opposition parties on the day after the disaster delayed appropriate action.

He also complained that it took more than 2-1/2 hours for the government to declare a state of emergency for the plant after receiving a report that the emergency core cooling system had been knocked out of commission.

Kan said his inspection of the plant helped the government institute the necessary measures and that the government's initial response was adequate.

Naturally, it was difficult for the government to come up with appropriate measures as the situation was extremely complex, with a number of crises occurring around the same time.

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Confusing array of task forces

Even so, it is obvious politicians and bureaucrats failed to take concerted action. Instead, a large number of special task forces and councils were created, causing confusion in the chain of command and hindering the government from taking prompt action.

Needless to say, the responsibility lies with Kan.

In various public opinion polls, the majority of the people expressed concern over Kan's lack of leadership. The major setback the ruling Democratic Party of Japan recently suffered in the first round of the nationwide local elections is considered due to Kan's bungled handling of the crises.

Restoration and reconstruction work is progressing slower than anticipated. The timetable drawn up by Tokyo Electric Power Co., the nuclear power plant operator, to bring the nuclear crisis under control also is fraught with problems.

Rather than stubbornly insisting, in response to a Diet question, that "the government's actions as a whole have been well received by the public," Kan must levelheadedly consider how the government and the ruling parties should deal with the disaster as a whole.

It is also important for the ruling parties to rebuild a relationship of trust with opposition parties.

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Cooperate with opposition

In the so-called divided Diet, in which the ruling parties have a majority in the House of Representatives and opposition parties control the upper house, it is vital for the ruling camp to win the cooperation of the opposition parties for the Diet passage of a supplementary budget and special laws needed for reconstruction efforts.

The administration's often makeshift responses have hindered collaboration between the ruling and opposition parties.

It proposed adding three ministers to the Cabinet, implying that it was ready to form a grand coalition with the LDP and other parties.

After LDP leader Sadakazu Tanigaki turned down a request that he join the Cabinet, Kan then approached New Komeito and, completely out of the blue, proposed that Goshi Hosono, an assistant to the prime minister, be put in charge of the nuclear plant issue as a new minister.

As long as Kan takes a stance that the opposition parties should cooperate with the government and the ruling parties during contingencies, the opposition parties will keep the DPJ at arm's length.

During the upper house committee meeting Monday, Kan again made clear his intention of adding three ministers to his Cabinet. Before he does this, he should sincerely and humbly ask for the cooperation of the opposition camp.

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY MIRROR, SRILANKA

To be good politicians, practise your religion

Recently the media reported that a leading prelate had made a strong plea to the main opposition United National Party (UNP) to support the government in development and other projects.

This plea raised two vital issues – the relationship between religion and politics and the working relationship between the government and the opposition.

As for the second issue Sri Lanka’s political history shows that the failure of successive governments and the opposition parties to work together has resulted in national conflicts being distastrously handled. The failure of successive governments and opposition parties to consider the grievances and aspirations of the minorities in Sri Lanka and the failure to see this as a vital national issue and a human problem have resulted in the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives with the material damage beyond calculation.

Sadly in the context of the bankruptcy of party politics, minority issues have been used like a football by governments and opposition parties over the years.

This happened  largely because of the failure of opposition parties to support governments and the divide and rule policy by various governments in relation to opposition parties. Critical students of political history will understand what is being said.

What then is the answer? All Sri Lankan political parties whether in the government or in the opposition need a paradigm shift, a shift from party politics for personal or party gain to sincere, sacrificial and selfless service to the people. That is the real meaning of politics – public service. But sadly today party politics is the name of the double game and deception where most members of most political parties are seeking power not to serve the people but to dominate them and to plunder the wealth and resources of the country.

With regard to the other issue, not only the majority religion but all faith communities in our land must be taken seriously by those in the government and the opposition. Those in party politics should not use religion but practise the essential teachings of all religions seriously. Therefore it is not only a matter of a plea by a religious prelate but we need to also take seriously what used to happen in the then Burma where those in party politics took time off to don the yellow robe and practised the teachings of the Buddha. We wonder if similar moves could be considered to make the state-religion relationship and therefore the government-opposition relationship what they should be. All party politicians and faith communities in our land, need to take note of this.

EDITORIAL : THE HINDU, INDIA

Looking forward to good rains

The south-west monsoon, which provides about 80 per cent of the rainfall that India receives annually, sets the pace for the country's economy. Shortfalls in the monsoon not merely affect agriculture but set off reverberations in other sectors too. There will, therefore, be relief all round that the India Meteorological Department (IMD) has, in its seasonal forecast issued on Tuesday, predicted that this year's monsoon is “most likely to be normal.” The IMD has used a statistical model to predict the probabilities for the monsoon falling in one of five categories: deficient (where the total nationwide rainfall is less than 90 per cent of the long-period average); below normal (from 90 per cent to 96 per cent); normal (96 per cent to 104 per cent); above normal (104 per cent to 110 per cent); and excess (above 110 per cent). The ‘normal' as defined in the IMD's probabilistic forecast is very different from the normal in the vocabulary of atmospheric scientists. In the latter case, it refers to a monsoon when the rainfall is between 90 per cent and 110 per cent of the long-period average. However, when the probabilities for the middle three categories are added, the chances of a ‘normal' monsoon (in the sense used by scientists) will work out to 93 per cent. The rainfall data for over a century show that such a ‘normal' monsoon occurs in seven out of ten years. In other words, there is a greatly heightened probability of the monsoon turning out to be normal this year. By the same token, the prospect of a deficient monsoon, which always arouses the most concern, is put at just six per cent this year. That too is good news since such deficient monsoons have occurred in about 18 per cent of the years and, what is more worrying, on three occasions in the last 10 years. The chances of this year's monsoon turning excess are put at just one per cent.

The outlook for the monsoon can change in the coming months and this year's outcome is particularly difficult to forecast. Last year's monsoon was helped by a La Nina that began to develop in June, with the waters of the equatorial eastern and central Pacific Ocean turning cooler than usual. That La Nina has weakened. This transition phase is difficult to predict and the models are currently displaying a range of possibilities. A majority of the models suggest the present La Nina conditions could continue till June and then weaken further, according to the IMD. The question is whether this could set the stage for an El Nino to develop, with the equatorial Pacific becoming warmer than usual. An El Nino often adversely affects the monsoon and has been associated with 65 per cent of the drought years. Changes in the Indian Ocean too can have an impact. Let us hope that the IMD's prediction for a normal monsoon holds.

Elusive development goals

The latest reality check on global progress to make the world more inclusive presents mixed results. The Global Monitoring Report 2011 (GMR) on the Millennium Development Goals, prepared jointly by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, makes it clear that, despite some progress, key targets will remain elusive when the 2015 deadline is reached. There are positive signs that the goals relating to parity in primary and secondary education, completion of primary education, access to safe drinking water, and halving extreme poverty and hunger can be met. But there is cause for serious concern in the areas of child and maternal mortality and access to sanitation. One reason for this uneven progress is that access-based goals, such as education, are easier to achieve than those that can be measured by specific outcomes, such as healthcare. What emerges from this year's GMR, based on impact evaluations in health and education, is that, while the quantity of services has increased, the quality has not improved. Correcting this will be the key challenge that nations face in their endeavour to make the world less unjust. The mixed global picture, however, serves only a limited, albeit important purpose: to know how the world has fared in respect of the MDGs. And the answer is ‘not encouraging.' More critically, policies and institutions that are central to a country's ability to meet the MDGs are just not up to the challenge.

The performance of individual countries within this global picture is at least as important. Well-conceived and sincerely implemented policies can make the difference to people in countries that have to shake off persistent poverty. The GMR makes special mention of the economic growth witnessed in China and India as a positive factor in the world's progress towards MDGs. However, high economic growth rates do not at all mean inclusive growth. Further, absolute figures on poverty reduction do not tell the complete tale. Methodological issues aside, even if one looks at the rate of decline of poverty in India, it was 12.4 per cent between 1977-78 and 1987-88 compared with only 8.5 per cent between 1993-94 and 2004-05, as the recently released Chronic Poverty Report points out. Even going by the low poverty line measure that prevails in India, it is still home to the world's largest number of poor, estimated at 301.7 million. Herein is the clearest indication that present policies in India are ill-equipped to correct chronic poverty.

EDITORIAL : THE DAWN, PAKISTAN

Sui withdrawal

THE planned withdrawal of the army from the Sui area has finally been announced, with security responsibilities to be transferred to the Frontier Corps over the next couple of months. Does the move offer an opportunity to begin to turn around the disastrous security situation in the insurgency-hit province of Balochistan? It remains to be seen. While the army’s move has been publicly positioned as a nod to the wishes of the Baloch people, there is a sense that perhaps the catalyst may be a section of opinion within the army that has been opposed to using the military as a lethal instrument inside Balochistan. Moreover, the Baloch insurgents, and a considerable section of the public, believe that the main instruments of terror are the paramilitary forces, such as the Frontier Corps, and the ubiquitous intelligence agencies, meaning that the army withdrawal may not have much impact on Baloch perceptions.

Nevertheless, anything which sends conciliatory signals in the restive province ought to be welcomed. Balochistan is still not a lost province, in political terms, but the warning lights have furiously been blinking for some time now. As Baloch grievances spread further and deeper among the province’s population, there is a grave risk of an entire generation of Baloch youth growing up with little to no faith in the idea of Pakistan. Even the old tribal system is increasingly frayed, with a generation of angry youth inching towards hard-line stances and away from the guidance of the tribal sardars and nawabs. Complacency or indifference at the centre could yet push the Baloch beyond the tipping point.

Central as the role of the security establishment and the political government in Islamabad may be in recovering the situation in Balochistan, the abysmal role played by the provincial government cannot be overlooked. Gen Kayani was right in exhorting the provincial law-enforcement agencies and administration to improve their performance. In a sea of under-performing administrations, perhaps the performance of the Balochistan government has been the worst. Routinely accusations of monumental incompetence and corruption are laid against the provincial authorities. In that environment, the hard work of recovering a grim security situation becomes doubly difficult. Missing persons may be a critical issue and the provincial authorities do face serious security threats, but there is a sense that were the presence of the provincial government more visible and purposeful, at least the everyday terror that has invaded the lives of ordinary citizens could be pushed back. What’s really needed is a concerted plan of action bringing together all the instruments of the state, central and provincial. But is there the will?

Energy plans

THE decision taken by the government to “totally” restructure the country’s oil and gas sector in order to expand domestic production and ensure fair distribution of available resources among the consumers appears to have come a little too late. Yet its proper and quick implementation should help prevent shortages from aggravating further and provide the government with a reasonably solid foundation to build upon and develop an integrated energy policy for meeting the future energy needs of the country.

The overhaul of what is now known as one of the most inefficient sectors — oil and gas — was long overdue in view of the falling level of fresh investment in exploration and little improvement in the existing distribution system. Pakistan, experts opine, could attract reasonable foreign investment if it could address some key issues that hinder exploration operations: poor law and order, circular debt, bureaucratic delays and political interference. The failure to woo fresh investment over a long period of time for enhancement of domestic gas production and non-implementation of plans to import gas from Iran and other regional producers has brought us to a point where government officials themselves are forced to concede that the “country would sink if a plan for importing liquefied natural gas is not put in place in three months”.

By admitting the seriousness of the situation in his first interaction with the media after his induction as the federal adviser on petroleum and natural resources, Dr Asim Hussain has underlined the need for working on a war footing to narrow the supply gap. Effectively, he has given himself three months to avert a major energy crisis in the country. The scale of the challenge is immense and time is scarce and the shortages created over the last several years may prove to be difficult to overcome soon. The least the government can do is to immediately remove the procedural and bureaucratic hitches in the way of importing LNG before the situation gets out of control. The private sector is also ready to play its role if the security of its investments is guaranteed.

Inadequate support

DURING the attack on the Sakhi Sarwar shrine in Dera Ghazi Khan earlier this month, two members of the district Civil Defence Department struggled to defuse an explosive jacket worn by one bomber who had failed to blow himself up successfully. According to a report in this newspaper, the men were unequipped and had to cut through the wiring with a knife handed to them by an onlooker. Thankfully, they succeeded in their attempts, but the incident points once again to the need for more support for civilian security forces.

A neglected department of the interior ministry, the CDD is charged with providing emergency relief assistance, including bomb disposal services. Reports have emerged from time to time, however, about its severe lack of personnel and equipment, and they have now been borne out by the very real danger that CDD personnel were placed in at Sakhi Sarwar. And although members of the Border Military Police, an outfit responsible for security in the border areas between Punjab and Balochistan, were able to capture the bomber, they do not seem to have provided assistance with defusing the bomb. At a time when suicide attacks have become all too common, bomb disposal should surely be an undertaking that policemen are trained and equipped to deal with.

Second, amidst the obvious concerns this incident raises about the quality of security in the country, the bravery and commitment of the CDD men must be noted. Despite being under-funded and ill-equipped, they put their own safety in grave danger to prevent further loss of life. Their narrow escape should be taken seriously as a reminder that more support must be channelled to security forces that routinely place themselves in harm’s way given the violence that continues to rear its head across the country.

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY STAR, BANGLADESH

Rajapaksa's visit

Boosting South Asian cooperation

Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa's three-day visit to Bangladesh can properly be looked at as a boost to bilateralism. The fact that as many as five memoranda of understanding have been signed --- in such crucial areas as trade, agriculture, fisheries, vocational education and science and culture testifies to the various possibilities of cooperation open before the two countries. As part of South Asia, indeed as members of SAARC, Colombo and Dhaka have been significant players in the region. The requirement now is for them to carry forward the spirit of bilateralism in a way that will further strengthen the links among SAARC nations.

The five MoUs are certainly an assertion of the way Bangladesh-Sri Lanka ties are poised to develop. The expectation is that these MoUs will take relations between the two countries to new heights of bilateralism at an active level. In this context, President Rajapaksa's emphasis on the need for strong political relations is a matter to be pondered by the leadership of the two countries. The president's discussions with Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina focused necessarily on combating terrorism, which is just as well given the difficulties both Sri Lanka and Bangladesh have faced as a result of extremism, albeit at different levels. Cooperation in dealing with and snuffing out terrorism in the two countries can be looked upon as a test case, the results of which could be applied to tackling terrorism in the SAARC region as a whole. There is too the matter of food security which Dhaka and Colombo, in league with other countries in the region, should be giving serious consideration to.

An all-important issue for Bangladesh and Sri Lanka is establishing direct air and marine connectivity, a point pertinently raised by the Bangladesh prime minister. Such a step will not only be a spur to greater people-to-people links but also yield encouraging results through promoting trade between the two nations. At a time when the nations of Europe and the Americas are exploring newer grounds of economic cooperation, it is vital that twenty six years after the founding of SAARC, the countries of South Asia break new ground in economic and political cooperation before they can break bread together.

Traffic gridlock horrifying

Tokenism will not do

Our traffic problem is more due to lack of management than oft discussed structural weaknesses. This is one sector where the government has been facing the toughest of challenges. Frankly, poor management of traffic is fast turning out into the governments Achilles' heels.

So far various measures were put into operation but these fizzled out as soon as they were attempted to be enforced. Steps taken so far were introduction of three-lane system in main thoroughfares, operating electronic signals, withdrawal of buses and minibuses more than 15 years old, enforcing use of seat-belts, helmets, barring people from using cell phones while driving and having the pedestrians take footbridges or underpasses. The main reason of the moves drawing a blank was lack of adequate homework, flawed planning and above all very poor management.

It is obvious that apart from some short-lived adhoc moves; the authorities seemed to have their eyes set on long and midterm solutions. If they would have concentrated on some immediate short term measures they could have regulated the traffic to a point of public tolerance.

In this category fall adequate parking spaces, going underground and high-rise, ordering the unfit vehicles out of the streets, linking it to import of new fleet of transport, and clearing out the pavements off small businesses. Phasing out rickshaws and prohibition of stoppages of vehicles at undesignated points could also be important steps in this direction.

Traffic management and implementation of rules need supervised work on the ground level both to infuse efficiency as well as to fight petty corruption which is rampant.

Management skills of the ground traffic personnel ought to be raised and strict enforcement of rules ensured with no compromise at any level. Awareness campaigns may be introduced round the year to educate people on traffic rules instead of occasional traffic weeks which leave no impression whatsoever.