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Thursday, June 2, 2011

EDITORIAL : THE NEWZELAND HERALD, NEW ZELAND



Underground rail plan up to ratepayers

To nobody's surprise, an Auckland underground rail scheme has failed a cost-benefit analysis for Transport Minister Steven Joyce. A review by the Ministry of Transport, the Treasury and the NZ Transport Agency has calculated the likely benefits to be worth no more than 40 per cent of the $2.4 billion it would cost for a tunnel with three stations between Britomart and Mt Eden to complete an inner city loop.
Mayor Len Brown was not surprised. His council saw the verdict coming weeks ago and had a rival evaluation made by its consultants PricewaterhouseCoopers, Beca and others. Their report, dated May 13, was released by the mayor hard on the heels of Mr Joyce's announcement on Tuesday. PWC, Beca and the others have calculated the benefits to exceed the costs by a ratio ranging from 1.1 to 2.3.
The public is left to wonder how two panels of experts could come to such wildly different conclusions, and we can but ask ourselves, who can we believe?
Perhaps the most useful explanation for the divergence has come from a PWC director, Chris Money, once a senior official in the Transport Ministry.
He said the officials' report had worked from past trends to predict the effect on the city whereas the report he helped to prepare had focused on the region's plan for greater urban intensification.
That means, the council's consultants have assumed rather a lot. The region's plan for greater urban intensification depends on the rail loop. The planners are confident that if Auckland can be equipped with fast, frequent, reliable trains, the living and travelling habits of its citizens will change. More of us will want to live in higher density units close to train stations and work in the central city.
Well, maybe. It is not a lifestyle that has attracted much interest when previous councils have tried to encourage it, but maybe a central city loop would make a difference. If trains can run through Britomart rather than terminating there, more services can be provided.
The proposed underground line would have stations under Albert St, Pitt St and Upper Symonds St, linking them with the surface line that already provides stops at Mt Eden, Grafton, Newmarket and Parnell. The circuit sounds attractive but not enough to pay its way. The project would add $18 million a year to the operating costs of Auckland's passenger rail services.
While Mr Joyce's officials are sceptical of the predicted benefits they have agreed there is "a strategic case" for the council to designate the route. This small, protective step is about all the council can take for the moment and the mayor will use it to give the project an appearance of momentum. But it is no closer to getting finance from the Government.
The officials conclude, "The central city rail loop does not justify further consideration for central government funding at this point in time because the project does not represent an economically effective investment."
Undaunted, Mr Brown says the council has committed $2 million from the ratepayers for investigations and he seems confident it will put up more money for buying property along the 3.5km route. Mr Joyce says the Government has no objection, "It's their money".
It appears national transport planners would have no objection to Auckland financing the whole project if the council could convince its ratepayers to carry the debt and operating costs. That would be the most reliable test. No matter how exciting an underground line sounds, no matter how essential it may be to the mayor's "vision", would we pay for it?
Aucklanders readily agreed to finance a harbour bridge because they knew they would use it. Underground rail is a bigger gamble but it is one a Super City can take.







EDITORIAL : THE KOREA HERALD, SOUTH KOREA



Productive Assembly session

The National Assembly opened a month-long extraordinary session Wednesday to discuss major state affairs, review the government’s policies and deliberate on the pending bills. But this session is likely to be dominated by one burning issue ― the savings bank scandal.

The floor leaders of the ruling Grand National Party and the main opposition Democratic Party have agreed to start a parliamentary investigation into the seven suspended savings banks on June 23. The probe is necessary for lawmakers to get a handle on the causes of the problems and come up with cures to them.

But the parliamentary process is likely to go off the rails as the two parties appear to be more engrossed in playing the blame game than in finding solutions to the problems or protecting innocent depositors of the insolvent banks.

The parties view the savings bank debacle as a political issue that would affect the outcomes of the high-stakes general and presidential elections slated for next year. Hence they are all out to spin it to their advantage and lay the blame squarely at the door of the rival party.

The DP defines the scandal as a corruption case involving close aides to President Lee Myung-bak. Prosecutors’ arrest of Eun Jin-soo, a former commissioner of the Board of Audit and Inspection, gave credence to this framing. One of Lee’s key aides, Eun was charged with abusing his power to soften the watchdog’s audit of Busan Savings Bank.

Rep. Park Jie-won, former DP floor leader, sought to strengthen the party’s narrative by raising suspicions that more presidential aides, including Chung Jin-suk, senior presidential secretary for political affairs, might have been involved in lobbying for insolvent savings banks.

The DP’s attempt to put the blame on the incumbent government triggered counterattacks from the ruling camp. The presidential office disclosed that a DP official, acting on behalf of Rep. Park, sought its help to rescue Bohae Savings Bank. This suggested that the lawmaker might have been involved in lobbying for the distressed bank.

The ruling GNP also claimed that more than 95 percent of the responsibility for the current problems in the savings bank sector lay with the governments of Presidents Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun because they implemented misguided policies.

In our view, both sides should be held accountable for the current mess. The incumbent government cannot avoid responsibility because it just let the problems go from bad to worse. Although it was aware of how serious the trouble was as early as in 2008, it failed to take action promptly.

The two previous liberal governments cannot escape responsibility either because the savings bank fiasco is the result of not just a regulatory failure but a policy failure. The seed of misfortune was sown when the Kim Dae-jung government allowed small community thrift institutions to use the term “bank” in their names and raised the amount of deposits protected by deposit insurance from 20 million won to 50 million won, the same level as that for commercial banks.

These measures boosted assets of these institutions. Then the Roh government allowed them to extend project financing loans, a risky business for savings banks given their poor risk management skills. The next thing we knew, many banks got into trouble by recklessly exposing themselves to risky property development projects.

In conducting the parliamentary probe, lawmakers should avoid futile political wrangling and focus on how to clean up the mess, transform savings banks into viable financial institutions, and reform the corruption-ridden financial regulatory agencies.

They should also remember that the savings bank problem is not the only issue that needs to be dealt with during the ongoing parliamentary session. A long list of important bills, including the one on North Korean human rights, are awaiting their attention. They should make the Assembly session productive.
 
 
Time to raise guard
 
North Korea disclosed Wednesday that South Korea proposed three inter-Korean summits ― first at Panmunjeom in June, second in Pyongyang in August and third in Seoul in March ― at a secret meeting of officials from the two sides in Beijing on May 9. According to the North’s official media, Pyongyang rejected the offer because Seoul demanded an apology for the atrocities the North committed last year ― the sinking of the Cheonan patrol ship and the shelling on Yeonpyeong Island.

The North’s KCNA also reported, citing a spokesman for the National Defense Commission, that Seoul “begged” for a concession from the North regarding the apology, saying it would be acceptable if the North expresses “regret” instead of an apology.

The South expressed deep regret as to the North’s disclosure of the secret talks, saying Pyongyang distorted its intentions. Seoul officials said the main purpose of the secret meeting was not to propose inter-Korean summits but to demand a “clear and unequivocal” apology from the North for the two cruelties.

It remains to be seen whose account of the story is correct. But regardless of which side is telling the truth, the North’s disclosure itself is deeply troubling. If North Korean leader Kim Jong-il ordered it in his right mind, it means the North will really stop engaging with the South. The North already issued a statement on Monday declaring that it “will never deal with traitor Lee Myung-bak and his clan.”

What motivated the North to take such a hostile stance toward the South? Probably its realization that it can by no means improve ties with the South without making an apology. For Pyongyang, failure to mend fences with Seoul means dashed hopes for a prompt resumption of the six-party talks, since under a three-step formula proposed by China, it is supposed to have meaningful talks with Seoul first before moving to bilateral talks with Washington and multilateral talks with other participants in the six-party process.

Instead of apologizing to the South, the North Korean leader appears to have chosen to revert to his trademark brinkmanship tactic ― heightening tension in the Korean Peninsula and intimidating the South and its allies into offering aid.

Hence it is time for the South raise its guard against possible North Korean armed provocations. The government needs to secure support from China and the U.S. to prevent the North from taking provocative action.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

EDITORIAL : THE MOSCOW TIMES, RUSSIA

         

 

Medvedev Makes Court Comeback


Judging by the pre-election activities of Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev recently, Putin is enjoying a firm lead. But Medvedev has staged a nice comeback in the past two months — mostly in Moscow courtrooms.
The first hint came in April, when two neo-Nazis, Nikita Tikhonov and Yevgenia Khasis, were given severe prison terms for killing human rights lawyer Stanislav Markelov and journalist Anastasia Baburova.
On Sunday, state-controlled NTV television aired an amazingly balanced report on Khodorkovsky, giving him a nationwide platform to maintain his innocence and to announce his plans to file for parole.
On Tuesday, Rustam Makhmudov, a Chechen native accused of pulling the trigger in Politkovskaya’s death, was arrested. Makhmudov had remained at large since 2006. After moving to Belgium, he returned to Russia despite being on an international wanted list, fueling speculation that law enforcement agencies were offering him some form of protection.
Medvedev, who depicts himself as a liberal lawyer, comes out ahead in all three cases. First, while the Tikhonov and Khasis trial was controversial, it did send a signal that the Kremlin has given up its dangerous dance with radical nationalists. Second, Khodorkovsky is the perfect martyr for liberal voters, who have given up hope on his release. Third, a conviction in the Politkovskaya case would also be a landmark event because the killers of journalists are rarely brought to justice.
Medvedev as he stands today would be a hard sell to voters. But a Medvedev who has freed Khodorkovsky, tamed nationalists and punished Politkovskaya’s killers would look like a strong crusader for the rule of law — a man of action and principle. Although cynics might say the three high-profile cases are just another ruse by the ruling tandem to keep election intrigue alive, Medvedev should not be ruled out as a serious presidential candidate.
But there is a catch. What might appear to be the dismantling of Putin’s legacy is not a dismantling at all. Khodorkovsky, even if given parole for good behavior, will not be acquitted. Investigators might have found Politkovskaya’s killer, but we are unlikely to ever know who ordered the murder. Ultranationalism is still not being fought outside the courtroom. And thousands of other murky cases — such as the death of lawyer Sergei Magnitsky or the beating of Kommersant reporter Oleg Kashin — have not been properly investigated. Most important, the power vertical, along with its creator, is as strong as ever.
Medvedev may stay in the Kremlin without tackling these issues. But if a handful of high-profile cases is all that he has to offer in terms of political reforms, his second term in office will differ little from Putin’s policy of status quo. A second Medvedev term might then be best described as “modernized stagnation.”







EDITORIAL : THE RFI english, FRANCE



French press review
 

A public holiday cuts down the amount of newsprint coming off the presses today. Those papers that are on the street record a rise in complaints over sexual assault, new orgy allegations, the art of tax-dodging and tough times for farmers.
There's no Catholics, no Communists and no businesspeople this morning . . . La Croix, L'Humanité and Les Echos are all off the menu because this is a national holiday, marking Ascension Thursday.
The four papers to hand give us plenty of variety to be going on with . . .
Dossier: Strauss-Kahn
Popular tabloid, Le Parisien, says that the recent sexual scandals involving top French political figures . . . former IMF boss, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, and Junior Minister, Georges Tron, for those who've spent the last two weeks on Mars . . . have had at least one positive effect.
Victims of sexual harrassment are speaking up, and aid associations are noting a steady increase in calls, complaints currently running at 30 per cent more than normal.
Obviously, it's not good that there's all that harrassment going on, but at least more victims now feel that their complaints will be taken seriously, and that has to be a step in the right direction.
The paper wonders if we're seeing a fundamental change in the relationship between the sexes, especially in the workplace.
Libération devotes its front page to another political scandal.
This one was sparked earlier this week, when Luc Ferry, former French Education Minister, who now works full-time as a philosopher, referred on television to another former minister who had been, said Ferry, involved in an orgy in Marrakech, with several young boys.
But Ferry the philosopher gave no further details, implying that everyone knew who and what he was talking about.
Just another French sexo-political scandal which had been swept under the carpet. Not so fast, say the police.
You can't do that there 'ere! If Ferry suspects that a crime has been committed, let him come to the police and present his suspicions so that they can be investigated.
Now a judge has been told to look into the affair with a view to hearing Ferry's evidence and then taking whatever action is necessary.
Libé finds the whole thing questionable, calling the fomer Education Minister "Dirty Ferry" on its front page, and saying that it's too easy for public people to denounce others when they don't have to provide a shred of proof.
Then there's right-wing Le Figaro, the paper of the rich and famous. Their main story looks at the debate on changing the way very rich people are taxed here in France.
The simple fact is, most of them aren't. The stinky rich manage to avoid taxation in all sorts of ways, but one of the neatest involves investing huge sums in works of art.
Up to now, the possession of billions-of-euros-worth of art was tax free, but the parliamentary finance committee now suggests that something needs to be done to close a loophole which costs the state an unknown bundle of cash each year and is, according to a Socialist MP, nothing less than a gift to the very rich.
Le Monde devotes a front-page editorial to the question of taxing the very rich, saying that no government, either right or left, has ever managed to strike a balance between social justice and simple vindictivness.
When Dominique Strauss-Kahn was finance minister, he pointed out that Socialist proposals to tax the very well-off allowed François Pinault, then the richest man in France, to get away with paying a single centime.
Just to put the whole thing in perspective, last year 560,000 French people paid the wealth tax, contributing a total of 3,600 million euros to state coffers, at an average of 6,535 euros per rich person, per year.
And Le Monde looks at the drought currently
causing enormous difficulties across France, notably for farmers.
Already, emergency plans are in operation to purchase and transport animal feed to the worst-affected areas, as well as organising cash compensation for those whose crops are damaged.
The drought is a global phenomenon, affecting Germany, Russia and huge swathes of China.

EDITORIAL : THE AZZAMAN, IRAQ



Iraq tops world countries in jailbreaks

By Khayoun Ahmad

Azzaman, May 31, 2011

There are more jailbreaks in Iraq than any other country in the world, a non-governmental group has said.

The Social Reform Organization, an Iraqi non-governmental group, said more than 4,000 jailbreaks were reported in the country in the four years ending 2010.

The group, in a statement, said: “Iraq is in the forefront of (world) countries in number of prison escapes and number of prisoners fleeing their jails.”

“The Iraqi prison system is in danger,” the group said.

Baghdad came first in Iraq in the number of jailbreaks, the group said.

The restive provinces of Nineveh, Anbar and Diyala came second, third and fourth consecutively.

In southern Iraq, the provinces of Basra, Babel and Wassit also reported a high number of jailbreaks in the same period, the group said.

EDITORIAL : THE TEHRAN TIMES, IRAN



Persian Press Review
Tehran Times Political Desk
This column features excerpts from news articles, editorials, commentaries, and interviews of the leading Iranian newspapers and websites.
Wednesday’s headlines

KAYHAN: Leader says Islamic Revolution has brought U.S. to its knees

HAMSHAHRI: President ordered a halt to increasing blood money payment to $90,000

TEHRAN-E EMROOZ: Forgetting ideals is unforgivable, Supreme Leader says

JAME JAM: Smoking will be banned in 123 parks in Tehran

KHORASAN: Velayat-e faqih (rule of the supreme jurisprudent) is the essence of the Islamic system, Hassan Khomeini (the grandson of Imam Khomeini) says

JAVAN: Technical failure delayed Merkel’s flight over Iran, Foreign Minister spokesman

IRAN: Slandering the president runs contrary to the recommendations of the Leader

QODS: Medvedev or Putin may attend Bushehr nuclear power plant inauguration ceremony

FARHIKHTEGAN: The daily gasoline consumption decreased to 57 million liters

Leading articles

In an interview with SHARQ newspaper, Masoumeh Ebtekar, the director of the Environment Committee of Tehran City Council, has criticized the government’s laxity on the issue of air pollution in Tehran. Following are excerpts of Ebtekar’s statements: It has been five or six years that the government has stopped dealing with the issue of air pollution in Tehran. Ebtekar said that the administration holds meetings at Tehran Province Governor General’s Office over this issue, but the meetings have not yield any result. Decreasing working hours have also not improved the situation. Unfortunately a number of 34 air pollution stations in Tehran are either closed or their air pollution monitoring detectors are out of work. The people deserve a better situation than this and if the situation continues, 8.5 million citizens will face a very difficult time

EDITORIAL : THE BANGKOK POST, THAILAND

 

Hint of scandal may taint SEC


At the behest of Finance Minister Korn Chatikavanij, the Stock Exchange of Thailand has started an investigation into the alleged hostile takeover of Thoresen Thai Agencies, one of the country's leading bulk shippers, by a group of minor investors called Atlas Holding. In its latest move, Atlas Holding notified the SET in a letter on Monday that, as a representative of 75 shareholders holding 10.199% of TTA, it was calling for an extraordinary general meeting to push for changes in the company's board, management and business model.
SET president Charamporn Jotikasthira told the press on Monday that the SET would ask Atlas to clarify when it acquired the TTA shares and would also try to find out if anyone was acting on inside information and attempting to manipulate TTA's share price.
Although the SET's quick response in this matter is welcome, it regrettably falls short of public expectations and is miles away from the real issue at stake which is of much public interest: the role of Vijit Supinit, former governor of the Bank of Thailand and current chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission, in this takeover bid.
ML.Chandchuttha Chandratat, TTA's president and chief executive officer, told a press conference last Thursday that Mr Vijit was involved in the takeover attempt of TTA by the investor group. Three other key players in the attempt were identified as Bee Taechaubol of the Country Group, a finance and property firm; Veera Manakongtricheep, former managing director of a now defunct financial firm, and Michael Fernandes.
According to ML Chandchuttha, Mr Vijit, Mr Veera and Mr Fernandes met him at the TTA office on May 10 to discuss the takeover. The group proposed Mr Vijit as TTA's new chairman replacing Aswin Kongsiri, with ML Chandchuttha to be replaced by Mr Fernandes.
One-sided information though this is, from the TTA's top executive no less, it is explosive enough to shame the SEC. It has also warranted a host of questions which, unfortunately but as expected, remain unanswered by the man at the centre of the scandal, chairman Vijit of the SEC.
When asked about Mr Vijit's role in this unsavoury affair yesterday, the SET president brushed off the question, saying simply that the SEC had its own internal corporate governance guidelines regarding conduct. Not a satisfactory answer.
Mr Vijit, meanwhile, has kept his silence.
At best, the SET probe will likely provide us with answers we neither seek nor care about, be it insider trading or share price manipulation. What the public wants to know is: Is it true that Mr Vijit was at the May 10 meeting as claimed by the TTA president? If he was, what was his real business there and why? Did he know that his presence there was inappropriate and could be construed as a conflict of interest? Or was he unwittingly used by Atlas to help in the alleged takeover bid?
Seen in this context, the SET investigation seems a rather sad joke. Both the SET and the SEC may be faithful adherents of the "silence is golden" rule; Mr Vijit, anyway, will be going into retirement on July 13 and is likely to be quickly forgotten. But the SET and the SEC are here to stay. And the silence of these agencies puts their credibility and reputation at risk.







EDITORIAL : THE TRIPOLI POST, LIBYA



Crushed Ice in Nuseirat: My Gaza Refugee Camp


“Do you remember Mahmoud?” asked Abu Nidal, my neighbour from nearly 20 years ago, when I lived in Gaza. “Yes, of course, I do,” I answered.

I remembered him as yet another troublemaking child among the Nuseirat Refugee Camp’s numerous rabble-rousers.

He was defined by a stream of snot that never seemed to dry. Although loud at times, he had always been helpful and pleasant. But now, unlike so many others who emerged from the camp’s rusty doors and narrow alleyways to greet me after my long absence, Mahmoud was nowhere to be seen.

“He is in heaven now,” said Abu Nidal. His voice, which had been so cheerful about my arrival, suddenly became muffled. The years of hurt over the loss of his son had culminated into one moment. He paused and wiped tears.

A poster on the wall showed the face of a handsome, bearded man. He had been killed during an Israeli army raid into Gaza a few years ago. The poster dubbed him, “The Great Martyr Mahmoud Fa’iq al-Hajj.”

I placed my right hand on Abu Nidal’s shoulder and said, as is customary in these situations: “We are all your children.” Abu Nidal nodded gratefully, and the neighbours began recalling the names of other Martyrs. Soon, we began to read al-Fatiha, asking God to bless the souls of all those who had perished in Gaza.

It has been many years since I last stood here, in the Red Square. Named after the many people who were killed at the hands of Israeli soldiers during the First Uprising of 1987, the once open area has shrunk, like many other spaces in and around the refugee camp.

The population of the Gaza Strip has grown significantly, as has poverty. Surrounded and besieged by Israel, 1.6 million people living in 360 square kilometres (139 square miles) are now exploiting every inch of this tiny and continually shrinking space. Still, Gaza persists.

I began my journey in Nuseirat at my old aunt’s house. She gazed at me in disbelief and cried intermittently throughout my visit. “Oh Allah, George is back,” she repeated, referring to me by my old name. When it was time to go she chased after me down the street for a last kiss, a hug and shed more tears.

The Martyrs Graveyard is now full to capacity. Desperately lacking space, some people had to resort to burying their loved ones on top of others, until the practice was stopped by the government.

My father was buried in an area called Zawydeh. In 2008, I was told he was buried in a ‘small graveyard,’ which encouraged me to attempt to find the grave on my own. However, the graveyard is no longer small and I spent over an hour trying to locate it. In the process, I learned that some of my friends and relatives have also died.

They include: my geography teacher, my Arabic and religion teacher, the kindly man with one eye who sold the strangest mix of items on a donkey cart, and a 13-year-old girl by the name of Fida, meaning ‘sacrifice’.

I found my father’s grave at last. My dad, Mohammed. The wonderful, loving, resourceful, angry, thundering and warm man. He never imagined he would one day be buried in Gaza. He wanted to go home to Beit Daras, his long destroyed village in Palestine. “I will see you soon, son,” he had told me many years ago, when I last saw him. I now wrote him a note, and buried it in the Gaza earth by his headstone.

“O peaceful and fully satisfied soul, return to your Lord…” read a verse of the Quran atop the white grave. No Cast Lead, no massacre could possibly interrupt the peaceful rest of the dead - not even in Gaza.

My mother Zarefah’s grave was in a different graveyard. It appeared much older than I remembered it. It lay close to my grandparents, and my two-year-old brother Anwar’s tiny grave.

My old house, which once stood relatively tall amid the other impoverished homes in my neighbourhood, is now almost hidden from view. Its white walls have been dirtied by years and neglect. Abu Abdullah, the new owner, welcomed me in.

A large man with a humble demeanour and a friendly but cheerless face, he walked me through the house. While very little had changed after all these years, the ‘basketball rim’ my brothers and I concocted from rubber hose and fastened high on the wall was gone.

I could almost hear my mother yelling as her five boys ran wild in the small space. “May Allah help me cope with all of this,” she would bellow, as she tried frantically to fix whatever we ruthlessly ruined.

I didn’t check to see if the bullet holes left by the rampages of Israeli troops remained where I last saw them. While I had dreamed of seeing this place again for so many years, it was now just too much to bear. I left hurriedly, despite Abu Abdullah’s repeated pleas to stay longer.

My English teacher, Mohammed Nofal, remained as I had left him, funny and hospitable. A few of my friends have been killed, but many others have remained steadfast, building, repairing, educating and surviving. The astonishing level of determination that has always defined Gaza is much stronger than I remember it. No one seeks pity in this place.

“There was a large building here,” I remarked inquisitively to a cousin at one point in my journey.

He replied casually. “It’s been destroyed in the latest war, but the people crushed the rubble, processed it into concrete and the building now stands on the other side of the street”. In Gaza, few discuss what has been destroyed, but many speak of rebuilding.

As I waited for a taxi to take me to the town of Khan Younis, I spotted the Akel falafel stand. Here we had once spent my dad’s loose change on Falafel sandwiches and Barrow-in-Furness crushed yellow ice.

I held onto my plastic cup of Barrad all the way to Khan Younis in the south of Gaza, taking careful, slow sips. It tasted exactly as I remembered it from when I was six years old. Since then, nothing in the world has tasted better.

“Now the Egypt border will be open for good, you should come back to Nuseirat for more Barrad,” said a friend.

“Inshallah,” – God willing - I said. “Inshallah.”

 




EDITORIAL : THE INDENDENT, IRELAND

        

 

Noble health plans doomed by sceptics


IT goes without saying that the Irish public service will have to do more with less. The national recovery plan intends cutting government spending by an unprecedented €8bn by 2014. Nothing in our past history -- not even the 1980s -- remotely compares.
Health Minister James Reilly is therefore trying to do the right thing when he says he will eliminate waiting lists in the health service over the next three years, despite facing a cut of €700m in health spending this year alone.
We also agree with Dr Reilly when he says he is convinced there are better ways of doing things in the health service. Unfortunately, efforts by his predecessors to find these better ways came to nothing.
A stark illustration comes from 2002. That was the year the National Treatment Purchase Fund (NTPF), now the object of Dr Reilly's attentions, was launched. It was an attempt to reduce waiting lists in the health service by paying to have patients treated privately, either here or abroad.
The health service had been unable to eradicate the waiting lists. Yet that year, the health budget increased by 15pc. It has still failed to eradicate them, despite five further years of double-digit increases and the treatments provided by the NTPF.
There will therefore be a good deal of scepticism about whether the expected reduction in the €85m budget for the NTPF, and the transfer of the money to the new Special Delivery Unit in the Department of Health, is the best way to do more with less.
Experience in Northern Ireland adds to that scepticism. A similar scheme was established there in 2005 and waiting lists fell sharply. But it was backed by the creation of a version of the NTPF. Private purchases were largely discontinued last year and waiting lists have rocketed. They are now proportionately longer than those in the Republic.
If Dr Reilly is able to do what he says, he will deserve all out praise and gratitude. One would feel more comfortable, though, if the Department of Health had been able to build up the necessary expertise without an increase in its budget, and the NTPF continued with its work until it had done so.


We must heed lesson on variable rate borrowing


THE Fianna Fail-led governments of 1997-2010 will live in infamy for their failure to deal with the consequences of joining the single currency. But one of their worst pieces of neglect has largely gone unremarked on -- the failure to do anything about the danger posed by variable interest rates.
That danger has now become a reality for thousands, as the banks increase rates to reduce spiralling losses. Even the lucky holders of "tracker" mortgages, where the interest rate varies only with changes in the basic rate charged by the ECB, have already been hit and more hikes will inevitably follow.
The weight of changing mortgage rates on the economy was a problem before the euro but the single currency greatly exacerbated it. Cheaper money turned a growing economy into a bubble; now dearer money is a stranglehold on any recovery.
Banning variable mortgages for first-time buyers, as suggested by a housing economist yesterday, is a good idea in theory. But it would present enormous difficulties in practice. One of them may partly explain the lack of action from Bertie Ahern's governments. Most of the time, fixed mortgages would be more expensive than variable ones. Buyers, therefore, would have less to spend on the house.
We are not talking about the toxic products sold by the banks where mortgages were fixed for a few years at artificially low rates. Genuine fixed mortgages should be for at least 10 years. They would not be particularly popular.
A second difficulty is that the crisis means it may now be impossible for Irish banks to raise the finance for long-term fixed mortgages. The best chance to reduce the threat posed by variable rates has been missed. Nevertheless, the Government should seriously consider how best to ensure that the resumption of activity in the housing market does not leave another generation of buyers exposed to the interest rate cycle.






EDITORIAL : THE JAKARTA POST, INDONESIA




Pancasila redux

Pancasila means many things to many Indonesians. For some it is the totem that defines the virtues of this nation. For others it is a burden of insignificance. Arguably, the state ideology has received a bad rap, often tainted by a somewhat prejudiced persona as the New Order regime abused it as a raison d’etre, which ultimately led to political suppression of political freedoms.

Any child born in the late 1960s and early 1970s would have experienced firsthand the “dullness” of Pancasila as they attended courses and even ideological workshops that were educational requisites. In fact all civil servants through the 1980s were required to have certificates of passing the “indoctrination” workshops. It was no surprise that the five principles of Pancasila were neglected in the post-reform era.

Fortunately it has not been forgotten, and now in this age of political mayhem, religious conservatism and questions of identity, the tenets of Pancasila — belief in one God; just and civilized humanity; unity in diversity; democracy guided by the inner wisdom in the unanimity arising out of deliberations among representatives; and social justice for the all of the people of Indonesia — need to be rekindled.

June 1 marks the designated anniversary of Pancasila. The date coinciding with Sukarno’s speech during the opening of the BPUPK — the Investigation Committee for Independence Preparation Efforts — in 1945 in which he outlined, albeit in a slightly different manner, his vision for the philosophical foundation of the soon to be republic.

The genius of Sukarno’s vision was his ability to recognize and encompass the diversity of this soon to be nation. With illuminating foresight he understood that the very characters that could make the archipelago great were also weaknesses that could undermine it. Such was the nation’s unique diversity that it required five pillars that accommodate the inimitable beliefs, customs and creeds that flourish with the 17,000 islands of the archipelago.

The creative distillation of socialism, nationalism and monotheism was refined, honed further to become modern day Pancasila.

Putting aside the recent political abuse of Pancasila, we know that these tenets truly exemplify the soul of what Indonesians should be. Pancasila deserves a place not in our memory, but our hearts. The practice of Pancasila is beyond indoctrination, rather the application of a liberal, just and plural society.

Indonesians have an atrocious habit of turning mortal leaders into cults of personalities, faiths into dogma and ideological tenets into pious canons. Practices no longer coherent with the liberal, creative and thinking creatures that Indonesians have become.

There is no malevolence or obsolescence with Pancasila, instead people rejected how it was being imposed on them by force rather than free will for decades. Contrary to how it was used, the very essence of Pancasila encourages diversity and celebrates variance. These are the lessons the present and future generations of Indonesians need to nurture.

We are confident the essential values of Pancasila will survive in the hearts of Indonesians as long as they are treated as a moral rudder instead of a set of restrictive rules.

Let us celebrate the birth of Pancasila by observing new ways to infect our children with the spirit of diversity, democracy, humanity, justice and equality, the way Sukarno would have truly wanted.

EDITORIAL : THE AUSTRALIAN, AUSTRALIA



Saluting a top soldier

DEFENCE Force chief Allan Grant (Angus) Houston's contribution to Australia and its security has been immense in the decades since he joined the RAAF as a cadet pilot in 1970.
His retirement on July 4 will mark the end of six intense years during which he has overseen Australian deployments in Afghanistan, East Timor, Iraq and the Solomons. As a pilot, Air Chief Marshal Houston flew Iroquois helicopters in Australia, Papua New Guinea and Indonesia, and in 1980 was awarded the Defence Force Cross for a daring rescue during a gale off the NSW coast in which he saved three lives. As leader of the forces, he has served under five defence ministers from both sides of politics - Robert Hill, Brendan Nelson, Joel Fitzgibbon, John Faulkner and Stephen Smith. Within the ranks, his competence and concern for the good of the services and its personnel have earned him widespread respect. While committed to victory in battle, he built a reputation for compassion and intelligence.
Air Chief Marshal Houston's watch will be remembered for the Gillard government's historic decision to open all frontline ranks in the services to women with the fighting skills and strength to fill them. The reputation of the services, unfortunately, has been badly tarnished in recent years by a series of sexual harassment scandals. But in six years Air Chief Marshal Houston made headway in reforms to limit bullying and bastardisation.
Quietly spoken, Air Chief Marshal Houston has been a strong, resolute leader with a reputation for working 100-hour weeks. He did not shy away from stoushes with ministers on both sides of politics. And he showed a commendable willingness to assert the independence of the ADF when, as Air Force chief, he told the Howard government there was no evidence that children had been thrown overboard from an asylum-seeker boat days before the 2001 election, advice he reiterated to a Senate inquiry in 2002.
The appointment of Air Chief Marshal Houston's deputy, Lieutenant General David Hurley, as his successor is ideal. General Hurley, who was awarded the DSO for his work commanding the 1st Battalion of the Royal Australian Regiment during the peacekeeping operation in Somalia in 1993, takes the helm at a difficult time. Two Diggers were killed in Afghanistan this week, bringing Australia's casualty toll to 26 dead and 176 injured in the nation's longest running war.


GDP figures show we need ongoing economic reform

THIS time the problem was all ours, but what if China slows?
While the prevailing economic message is that we shouldn't panic, the contraction in Australia's GDP during the March quarter does highlight our susceptibility to the vagaries of the mining boom. This time, the problem was all on the supply side, with the Queensland floods closing mines and cutting off supply routes to ports. We can remain calm because we know the mines are reopening, the rail lines are being repaired and the seemingly insatiable Chinese demand for our coal and iron ore should ensure economic growth returns this quarter.
But we should view this experience as a salient warning of the medium-term risks. If the world economy slows or China loses control of inflation and then is forced to overcorrect, we could face a contraction on the demand side. This is the possibility Wayne Swan must focus on. The Treasurer needs to ensure the Australian economy is sufficiently dynamic and productive enough to sustain the nation outside of our current record mining boom conditions. The immensely favourable terms of trade cannot last forever, of that we can be sure, but Mr Swan's budget last month is predicated on those terms and the demand continuing unabated for close to a decade. We hope he is right, but he has been wrong before.
In the lead-up to the global financial crisis, Mr Swan was chasing his tail, worrying about inflation at a time when we should have been focused on maximising growth. The Australian pointed this out at the time, just as we warned about some aspects of the 2009 stimulus package. It is clear now that the opposition leader during that period, Malcom Turnbull, was correct. He supported the initial pension-based "cash splash" but argued that the main $42 billion stimulus should have been reduced by half and targeted more prudently. So while Australia dodged recession because of the strength of our financial system, the rapid rebound in Chinese demand for our mineral resources and, perhaps in part, because of the domestic monetary and fiscal stimulus, Mr Swan's judgment has been far from perfect. We would be better placed now if he had not overreacted to inflation fears in 2008 or over-egged the stimulus. Now we worry that he is being complacent.
There can be no time to waste reining in government spending and forging a reform agenda but the budget dodged these issues by delivering only $2.7 billion in net savings over four years. With the high dollar making our exports more expensive, we need to reduce costs at home, primarily by seeking to improve productivity. As industrial editor Ewin Hannan reported yesterday, industry and employer groups are urging reforms aimed at increasing labour flexibility. Rather than resort to the predictable mantra about the re-emergence of Work Choices, Mr Swan should take up the challenge as one important step towards insuring the nation against the inevitable mining downturn. And from opposition, Tony Abbott should pursue the same agenda.
Former prime minister John Howard used to allude to a race where the finish line kept getting further away, and his predecessor, Paul Keating, talked of burning the road behind you like the Road Runner. Both were absolutely right -- if you are not reforming, you are going backwards.


Global action is key on carbon


GARNAUT report seems to overstate international efforts.
Annual carbon emissions from China, currently about 8.5 billion tonnes or 15 times greater than Australia's, are set to double over the next decade or so while we reduce ours. If all goes to plan, in about 10 years China's emissions will be more than 30 times greater than ours. This information is not an argument for inaction but it does help keep our national carbon emission reduction debate in perspective, and highlight the primacy of international action.
In his final report, the Gillard government's climate change adviser, Ross Garnaut, has made some rather heroic claims about the extent of global action. "The diplomatic fiasco of the Copenhagen conference disguised a breakthrough new agreement that addressed the great failing of the Kyoto Protocol," he claimed. "It incorporated mitigation targets for the US and the large developing economies, notably China." This is gilding the lily. The reason Copenhagen was viewed as a failure was because the participants did not sign up to binding targets. And China's non-binding targets relate not to emissions but to carbon intensity. The Asian giant will work to generate cleaner and more efficient energy, but most of its power growth will still come from coal and its emissions will grow as its economic modernisation continues. Likewise for India. The lesson for Australia is that we need to be cautious and proportionate in our response.
Professor Garnaut has likened the carbon tax to the tariff reforms he championed in the 1980s. But the tariff reductions lowered costs for consumers and created incentives for companies to improve productivity, modernising our economy. The carbon tax is designed to produce an environmental benefit. It does this by imposing a cost and providing a disincentive to emit carbon. The so-called first mover advantage is that we allow our economy to adapt gradually to a low-carbon global world, minimising future shocks and opening us up to some early opportunities. The government needs to be wary of overstating these advantages because they will quickly disappear if the rest of the world stalls. A realistic assessment of global action to reduce carbon emissions remains the crucial missing link in the government's carbon tax justification. The Productivity Commission's report on this issue is with the government -- we await its release with great interest.
  

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY TRIBUNE, THE PHILIPPINES

 

 

Royal rumble


It’s a case of a pampered child throwing tantrums after another spoiled brat got the expensive toy he wanted.
The hearing the other day at the Senate supposedly regarding the merger between two telecoms giant Philippine Long Distance Telephone Co. (PLDT) and Digital Telecommunications (Digitel) turned into a grilling of the main complaining company, Globe Telecoms of the Ayala group, after The Tribune blew the lid off a letter of top Ayala honcho Jaime Augusto Zobel de Ayala (JAZA) to Noynoy asking for accommodation on the award of scarce radio frequencies for mobile third generation (3G) telecommunications or those used for fast Internet applicable on the booming business process outsourcing (BPO) centers and the hot selling smart phones such as the Blackberry and I-phone.
Globe was complaining against the emergence of an unequal playing field after the merger since Digitel had eaten into the subscribers share of both PLDT and Globe with its budget mobile phone service. The Digitel and PLDT market share and resources combined would indeed be a potential dominator of the lucrative mobile phone market.
Thus, Zobel de Ayala in a panicky tone sought from Noynoy the assignment of a remaining slot for 3G frequencies to its company Globe, since it claimed that the merger between PLDT and Digitel would give the Pangilinan group backing the merger about four times more bandwidth than what Globe currently has.
At the Senate hearing, it was revealed by the top man of Digitel Lance Gokongwei that Globe also had approached Digitel for a possible merger that didn’t pan out, but this made Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile wonder whether or not a similar complaint of unfair competition would have been raised had Globe succeeded in buying off Digitel.
“This is a situation where a loser is complaining against the winner,” was how Enrile described the current friction between Globe and PLDT.
Globe, meanwhile, appears to be using the strong influence of its owners in wrangling from Noynoy the 3G frequencies apparently without going through an auction and for free.
The going estimate for the remaining 3G spectrum is about P100 million in yearly fees and with the other requirements that came with the last auction where four companies — PLDT, Globe, Digitel and Connectivity Unlimited Resource Enterprise which used to be Bobby Ongpin’s but was later acquired by PLDT — won the bid, some P1 billion is needed to acquire the slot.
By going direct to Noynoy, Zobel de Ayala appears to be sending a message for a non-negotiable demand. The letter could be a payback receipt on the likely contributions of the Ayalas during Noynoy’s campaign for the presidency.
Manuel Pangilinan, top man at PLDT and now Digitel and also a big campaign supporter of Noynoy, appears to be ruffling feathers among the business associates of Noynoy with his aggressive business style.
In the mining sector, another rabid Aquino supporter, the Lopezes, are waging a war against Pangilinan’s Philex mining that is stepping up operations as the country’s biggest mining company.
Pangilinan is made to look as if he is sharing the Pacman tag with people’s champ Manny Pacquiao, not because of his skills inside the ring, but the way he gobbles up companies into which he sets his sights, even as the Ayalas also have been trying to gobble up other companies, such as Maynilad but had failed to do so.
The Ayalas fear the Pangilinan way, and are now tugging at the strings of its political network to get even.
Shortly after JAZA sent the letter on April 4, the Palace moved quickly and ordered an investigation into the PLDT-Digitel merger, apparently in another accommodation for the Ayalas.
Noynoy, thus far, noticeably has been trying to keep silent himself about the whole fracas and for a good reason.
He likely owes something to one or the other or both and issuing a statement may offend one or the other.
It’s all of Noy’s big business backers tearing at each other.






EDITORIAL : THE NEW STRAITS TIMES, MALAYSIA

 

 

Saving electricity


TO those who would promise to lower the price of electricity, and to those who would believe them, it is time for a reality check. China and Pakistan have announced increases in electricity tariffs this month. Consumers in Queensland, Australia will pay 6.6 per cent more and those in South Australia an extra 10 per cent for their electricity from July. The Bank of England expects tariffs in the United Kingdom to rise by 10 per cent between July and March next year. South Korea is reported to be considering increasing rates sometime in August.
Against the backdrop of the rising prices of the gas, coal and fuel that generate electricity, the fact is that no country is in a position to put a lid on prices. All that responsible governments can try to do is to mitigate the increases in power tariffs so as not to unduly burden poorer households and cause excessively strong inflationary pressures. In order to minimise the potential shocks, the government has excluded 75 per cent of domestic consumers, including the 900,000 low-income earners who will continue to receive free electricity until the end of the year, from the new power rates. There is also less to worry for learning institutions and big industrial consumers as they are eligible for discounts and special rates. Of course, though the higher tariffs will not translate into higher monthly electricity bills for many households, the concern is that they could be reflected in the higher prices that consumers have to pay for other goods and services. But as inflation is expected to rise by 0.27 per cent, the hike in power tariffs is not likely to have a strong impact on domestic prices. In any event, it is hoped that businesses will absorb the increases rather than pass it on to consumers.

In any case, there is also another way for industry and commerce to pay less for electricity and keep costs and prices down -- use less electricity and use it more efficiently. The fact is that there is too much wastage. Businesses can make substantial savings on expenditure by conserving energy and using electricity more cost-effectively. Lists of specific suggestions are not hard to find. Indeed, what is needed is a commitment from everyone, not just those on the factory floor or in a government agency, to cut down on the use of electricity. For many households, the savings they make may seem insignificant. But each small step to save electricity can make a difference to the national energy-efficiency initiatives.

        

 

Residential care: In a decrepit state

The corporate brokering will seal the fate of the faltering care giant, Southern Cross

Around 30,000 of our frailest citizens have suddenly acquired an anxiety-inducing interest in complex negotiations between executives, landlords and financiers. The corporate brokering will seal the fate of the faltering care giant, Southern Cross – and also determine how many residents of its hundreds of homes will be shunted out. Moving house is rarely easy, and the strain of uprooting is incomparably greater for people who can barely move themselves. Some mix of state action and commercial compromise may yet avert a lethal mass arthritic exodus, but as the crisis unfolds there is an abject lack of guarantees. This sorry tale is, at root, about a failure of responsibility.
The specific ideal of honouring our elders is familiar from Confucius to the commandments, and a more general injunction to protect the weak is also shared by faiths around the world. Alas, such ethical edicts need spelling out precisely because human nature so often falls short. The horrific treatment of people with learning difficulties at a Bristol hospital, brought to light this week by BBC's Panorama, is sadly the latest in a long catalogue of institutional abuses that stretches from the old mental asylums to children's homes. It is not, however, such cruelties which condemn ever-more people to see out their days in residential homes, but rather extended families' reluctance to devote themselves to their elderly as they may once have done. In a world where households rely on both partners working, this reluctance is understandable enough – and all the more so since medical advances stretch conditions of geriatric infirmity which would once have lasted a few months to many years. The real problem is that our collective desire to find someone else to do the caring is not matched by a shared willingness to foot the bill.
The terms of the Dilnot commission, which is due to report in July, make plain cost controls will remain centre stage. Its unarguable but politically poisonous message to baby boomers may well be that those who do not want to care for parents themselves will have to accept big consequences in terms of what they will inherit. The only alternative is a further withering away of quality and coverage. In stark contrast with the health service proper, where commercialisation remains the controversy of the hour, privatisation of elderly care got going in earnest two decades ago and is now all but complete. Few illusions linger about the comprehensiveness of the service, and a Financial Times probe this week suggested poorer care was more widespread in for-profit than charitable institutions. But farming care out has, perhaps, allowed cash-strapped public authorities to imagine the demographic tide of decrepitude as someone else's problem. As Southern Cross teeters, this final delusion is falling away.
Should Southern Cross collapse, councils will have obligations to re-house some but not all of the residents. What they will not have is the power to commandeer assets to meet these duties, assets they mostly sold years ago. When the utilities were privatised, emergency provisions were written into the law to allow the government to seize the reins in the event of corporate failure to make sure, for example, that the lights stayed on. The care of the frail was not deemed worthy of similar protection.
Of course residential institutions are supposed to meet all sorts of standards. But as with restaurant hygiene rules, everything depends upon inspections, which the Bristol debacle have found wanting. While Southern Cross has been free to dabble in sale-and-leaseback property bets that have now gone so wrong, the Care Quality Commission seems oddly constrained: one of its inspectors this week revealed his fears about a "dangerous" situation only on condition of anonymity. That body should start by taking responsibility for speaking frankly about the state care is in. All of us will then have to take responsibilty for fixing it.


In praise of… Stewart Lee

His performances unfurl like a stroll on a summer's day: scenery and good companionship take precedence over destination

When praising a comedian it is generally a good idea to quote one of his or her jokes. The trouble with Stewart Lee is that he doesn't really do gags – at least not in the traditional sense of set-up, fire, reload. His performances unfurl like a long stroll on a summer's day: scenery and good companionship take precedence over destination, and any laughter seems almost serendipitous. For all of his self-deprecation and apparent hesitancy, Lee is evidently a practised charmer. So too with the apparent shambling of his act: it is just that, a put-on. In a recent episode of his latest BBC series, Stewart Lee's Comedy Vehicle, Lee discusses the evolution of modern comedy (something he is an expert on, as revealed in last year's memoirs How I Escaped My Certain Fate): "What the comedy is now – it's not like the 80s – what it is now, it's a load of people and they all hate their electrical appliances." This jibe about modern comedy's turn from shouty politics to smug consumerism slowly turns into a riff about how Mr Morphy Richards strives to make toasters that work, then advice on how to return broken toasters. Yet Lee can also do precise structure, as demonstrated by his sharply observed music journalism and his comedy musical Jerry Springer: The Opera. But let us return to the original question: what is a typical Lee gag? In desperation, this paper turned to the comedian's publicist. She could think of only one conventional one-liner ever made by Lee – and he'd bought it from another comedian for a quid. Typical.

Syria: Truth will out

President should let foreign press in to hear the Syrian people speak for themselves

Every revolution has its face. In Iran, it was Neda Soltani, who was shot in the chest during a demonstration. In Tunisia, it was a fruit seller called Mohammed Bouazizi who set himself on fire. In Egypt, it was Khaled Said, who was beaten to death after posting online a video showing police officers sharing the spoils of a drug haul. And in Syria it has now become Hamza al-Khatib. A YouTube video showing the appalling injuries this 13-year-old boy received in mysterious circumstances (the judge and the coroner both claimed his corpse bore no marks of torture) has gone viral. Hamza has now become the face of the Syrian revolution.
We do not know the circumstances of his horrific death. But we do know more about the systematic killings and torture by Syrian security forces as they attempt to suppress demonstrations in the city of Deraa where the revolt started. Human Rights Watch has done an invaluable service in attempting to document such crimes as the attack on the al-Omari mosque, ambushes of unarmed demonstrators or the blockades in which they attempted to starve communities into submission. But this report should only be the start. At least 418 people have been killed in the Deraa governorate alone. HRW found two witnesses who survived detention at a local football field, where detainees were picked at random from a crowd of 2,000 and summarily executed. And they also uncovered evidence of protesters killing members of the security forces.
The US secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, sharpened her tone in her reaction to Hamza's death. She is right to dismiss the political moves of President Bashar al-Assad as empty gestures. First he lifted the state of emergency, and has now declared a general amnesty for political prisoners, moves which appear bold until the small print appears. Neither has stopped nor inhibited the brutal Baathist crackdown. Bashar is proving to be his father's true son. As that crackdown continues into its third month, pressure is growing at the UN to hold Assad and key members of the security apparatus accountable for crimes against humanity. Syrian dissidents meeting in Turkey had no desire to form a government-in-exile or a transitional council, as Damascus had feared. They are pushing instead for a UN security council resolution, similar to the one passed on Libya, which would allow an investigation by the international criminal court.
For a president who put so much effort into burnishing his image as a reformer in western eyes, a solution lies at hand: let the foreign press in. Let the Syrian people speak for themselves about the conflict in their midst. What could a popular leader possibly have to fear?






EDITORIAL : THE NEW YORK TIMES, USA



Playing With Matches on the Debt

Just ignore Tuesday’s vote against raising the debt ceiling, House Republican leaders whispered to Wall Street. We didn’t really vote against it, members suggested; we just sent another of our endless symbolic messages, pretending to take the nation’s credit to the brink of collapse in order to extract the maximum concessions from President Obama.
Once he caves, members said, the debt limit will be raised and the credit scare will end. And the business world apparently got the message. It’s just a “joke,” said a leader of the United States Chamber of Commerce, and Wall Street is in on it. Not everyone found it funny.
No matter how they tried to spin it, 318 House members actually voted against paying the country’s bills and keeping the promise made to federal bondholders. That’s an incredibly dangerous message to send in a softening global economy. Among the jokesters were 236 Republicans playing the politics of extortion, and 82 feckless Democrats who fret that Republicans could transform a courageous vote into a foul-smelling advertisement.
The games that now pass for governing in an increasingly embarrassing 112th Congress are menacing the nation’s future. It was bad enough when Republicans threatened to shut down the government to achieve their extreme and extremely misguided spending cuts, but that threat would have caused temporary damage. The debt limit is something else altogether. If the global credit markets decide that the debt of the United States will regularly be held hostage to ideological demands, it could cause significant harm to investment in long-term bonds and other obligations. That, in turn, could damage domestic credit markets and easily spark another recession.
To prevent this from happening, 114 Democrats in April asked for a “clean” vote without conditions. But Republicans were not about to set their hostage free. Knowing that the clean vote would not pass — and imposing a two-thirds majority requirement to ensure its failure — House Republicans gave the Democrats what they requested. They then voted it down, sending their reckless message to the world.
But there was no excuse for so many Democrats to go along with that message, including the leadership. Steny Hoyer, the minority whip, urged his members to vote no so they would not “subject themselves to a political 30-second ad attack” with all Republicans voting no. Apparently Mr. Hoyer did not trust voters to understand what a dangerous and dishonest game the Republicans are playing.
The exercise has prompted the White House to convene talks to discuss the Republicans’ scattershot demands, which have ranged from trillions in spending cuts to the outright dismantling of vital safety-net programs like Medicare and Medicaid. Democrats have hoped to get an increase in revenues out of any deal, but House Republican leaders emerged from a White House meeting on Wednesday spouting the usual discredited claims that higher taxes on the rich would impede job growth.
What Republicans seem unwilling to acknowledge is that the debt-limit debate is not about future spending. It is about paying for a deficit already incurred because of two wars and tax cuts approved by both Republicans and Democrats at the behest of a Republican president. Tuesday’s vote was a chance to do the right thing and educate the public on why it was necessary. Instead, too many lawmakers walked away from the truth.



The Cellphone Study

Cellphone users have every right to be befuddled. Just last year, a major study in 13 countries found no clear evidence that exposure to the radiation from cellphones causes brain cancer. Yet, this week, a panel convened by the same agency, the International Agency for Research on Cancer, declared that the radiation is “possibly carcinogenic” to humans. It made this pronouncement by press release before publishing a monograph that will lay out the basis for its concerns — and will give independent scientists their first chance to evaluate this new judgment.
The agency, a unit of the World Health Organization, based its determination on what it called “limited evidence” that heavy users of cellphones had an increased risk of developing a rare brain tumor known as a glioma. Cellphones were placed in a “possibly carcinogenic” category that also includes pesticides, dry cleaning chemicals, engine exhaust, lead, pickled vegetables and coffee.
The I.A.R.C. is a respected organization whose judgments influence regulatory policies in many nations. Still, many experts remain dubious. Despite a huge upsurge in cellphone use over the past two decades, brain cancer rates in the United States have been declining. Scientists are mostly stumped as to how the radio frequency waves emitted by cellphones, which lack the punch to break chemical bonds or disrupt DNA, might cause cancer.
The Food and Drug Administration, which regulates the safety of cellphone emissions, said it would review the forthcoming monograph carefully but that “the existing weight of scientific evidence does not show an association between non-thermal radio frequency energy and adverse health outcomes.”
For now, it seems reasonable to conduct more research and to monitor usage by children, who could have a lifetime of exposure ahead. Heavy users of cellphones might want to use headsets, speaker phones or text messaging to keep the device at a distance. Most would be surprised to learn that cellphone manufacturers, presumably to ward off liability claims, already advise users in very small print to hold the phones a short distance from the body while calling.



Syed Saleem Shahzad’s Courage

The Pakistani journalist Syed Saleem Shahzad knew he was a marked man. Mr. Shahzad, who covered national security and terrorism, had received repeated threats from Pakistan’s powerful spy agency. Yet he courageously kept doing his job — until somebody silenced him. His body, his face horribly beaten, was buried on Wednesday.
Suspicion inevitably falls on Inter-Services Intelligence, Pakistan’s chief intelligence agency. For the sake of justice, and the shredded credibility of Pakistan’s government, his murderers must be found quickly and held accountable.
Mr. Shahzad disappeared from Islamabad on Sunday, two days after he published an article suggesting a militant attack on a naval base in Karachi was retaliation for the navy’s attempt to crack down on Al Qaeda militants in the armed forces. American analysts doubt an Al Qaeda cell infiltrated Pakistani security, but they have long worried about individual sympathizers.
Whatever the case, the attack humiliated the ISI and the armed services. They were already fending off allegations that they sheltered Osama bin Laden and criticism for failing to stop the American raid that killed him.
An ISI spokesman described Mr. Shahzad’s death as “tragic” but dismissed as “absurd” charges of his agency’s involvement and said ISI would help bring the perpetrators to justice. That is not enough. The ISI’s chief, Lt. Gen. Ahmed Shuja Pasha, and his boss, Gen. Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, the army chief of staff, must personally pledge a robust and transparent hunt for whoever was responsible. They must make clear to all who work for them that they will not tolerate attempts to silence reporters or anyone who dares to raise questions.
Under Pakistan’s civilian government, journalists are freer to work than during the years of the military dictatorship. Still, at least 16 have been murdered since 2002, making Pakistan the deadliest country for the news media last year, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.
Even as they mourned Mr. Shahzad, Pakistani journalists vowed they would keep doing their jobs. “We will not shut our voices down,” said Azhar Abbas. For the sake of Pakistan, we hope they keep up the fight.


Quiet? In New York City?

The irony would not have been lost on John Lennon. Musicians at Strawberry Fields, a memorial to the murdered Beatle and one of eight quiet zones in New York City’s Central Park, have drawn more police attention lately. If some minstrel belts out “Imagine” or gets a crowd to sing along hoping to carry away a hatful of coins, this busker could face a fine ranging from $50 to $200.
Why this more urgent push for silence at the center of this wonderfully boisterous metropolis? Why forbid singing and guitars, even if the tune is not always in harmony with some of the park’s ritzy neighbors? A similar impulse to keep the park tidy has led to rigid limits on demonstrations and political rallies on the park’s Great Lawn.
Adrian Benepe, the city’s parks commissioner, said that with Central Park getting 38 million visitors a year, the city is “trying to avert the tragedy of the commons,” where too little regulation destroys a good thing for all. A saxophonist playing at Bethesda Terrace, a newly designated quiet area, could wipe out the gentle sound of the Bethesda Fountain for everyone else. Besides, he said, the eight quiet zones (most in place for years) make up only 5 percent of park land and amplification equipment, including large radios, has long been barred without a permit.
While that may be true, the new zeal in enforcing the rules seems an odd use of park police. They seem busier than usual silencing or ticketing street musicians, including those who like playing in a stone passageway near the Bethesda Fountain because of its rich, natural acoustics.
This is New York, a very big noisy place that should not be forced to keep quiet.

EDITORIAL : THE GLOBAL TIMES, CHINA



Is China's food industry at all manageable?

China's food industry is undergoing an overall crisis of trust as the media is constantly abuzz with new reports of toxic additives. Meanwhile, the public is left with few choices but to consume whatever is offered in the market.
This seems to be such a paradox. A country that can send astronauts into outer space cannot safeguard its dinner table. Food safety scandals shame the country's international image and shake public faith in government.
Such a paradox can be seen everywhere, like the attempt to discipline freewheeling Chinese pedestrians and drivers into respecting traffic lights.
When food makers, formerly small-timers, are expanding at breakneck speed, the old moral code pales in the face of soaring profits. A sound legal framework is far from being able to catch all offenders as too many players are involved in the food production chain.
Now China is forced to accept the strictest food safety standards. It is not an unreasonable requirement for the world's second economy.
China's food industry needs a revolutionary change. This path will be full of difficulties, but the country has to move forward.
So far, the media has played a crucial role in exposing food safety scandals, including the notorious tainted milk powder incident and the recent poisonous steamed bun story. The media should be encouraged to uncover more, no matter the consequences for the food industry.
Heavy penalties, including the death sentence, are necessary at this time to deter future offenders.

The food crises have, naturally, benefited foreign food producers when public see imported food as the last resort to get safe food.
Nevertheless, it is impossible to feed 1.3 billion people with imported food and water.
Local enterprises with a conscience should be assisted to acquire a market advantage. At a chaotic time, it is also time for building golden brands. The media, while taking the role of watchdog, should refrain from defaming the entire food industry.
Feeding its huge population is often regarded as the biggest achievement of China's reform, but now it seems we are far from reaching that.
This is natural. The public has a higher requirement of what they eat when they are no longer going hungry.







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