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Monday, June 6, 2011

EDITORIAL : THE CITIZEN, TANZANIA

                      



World must feed self

An Oxfam report paints a gloomy picture of food availability, citing a billion people going to bed hungry every night. And the World Food Programme has reported that 8.75 million people need humanitarian assistance in the Horn of Africa alone.
Although Oxfam acknowledges that floods, drought and other natural disasters have been causing famines for years, it warns that global food insecurity is worsening because of deep imbalances in opportunities and control of resources.
It calls on Tanzania and other developing countries to reform food policies and forging good governance.
It has criticised few politicians and business elite for pushing for a more industrial agriculture, controlled by a few big corporations, using yet more resources.
It warns that such an approach is wrong because it benefits only a few people, leaving the majority of smallholder farmers poorer.
We share Oxfam’s sentiments. Recently, poor countries have been seeing foreign agricultural companies conniving with governments to grab large tracts of land, displacing small-scale farmers.
Such outmoded policies are deepening poverty. It is shameful for many African countries to continue begging for food — 50 years after independence.
They should take a leaf from Malawi’s book on food self-sufficiency. African politicians and planners should stop politicking and chasing personal goals at the expense of the rest of the people. With all available scientific and technological advancements, it is shameful for people to die of hunger.



Youth of Africa need relevant Education
The world is changing fast, thanks to globalisation that  is catalysed by advancements in science and technology. The situation poses unique challenges for Africa, more so the sub-Saharan countries such as Tanzania, which for long lagged behind on account historical disadvantages that must be overcome.
If a majority of African countries are to develop into middleclass economies within the decade as aspired in the context of the much-touted millennium development goals (MDGs), then education for the youth must be given a priority.
And by education, we are not talking about simply sending to school and college as many youngsters as possible; no! We are talking about quality and relevant education.
There is a need for a fresh look into what is offered in our learning and training institutions. Educationists must ask the question: Is the education offered tailored to prepare the young for the challenges of globalisation?
Given the trend of workforce reduction in virtually all sectors, how are our learners readied for self-employment and job creation?
According to the 2011 Youth Report entitled “Addressing the Youth Education and Employment Nexus in the Global Economy” African governments must give priority to youth education so as to enable them to reap employment benefits of globalisation.
When it comes to seeking opportunities for employment, our youth, for instance, must be able to think beyond Tanzania. Now that is where the education system comes in – it must be one that empowers a young Tanzanian to apply and get a good job in Kenya, Canada or Malaysia.
In today’s world, productivity is not just about working hard (as political leaders were apt to urge us during the early post-independence years); it is also, and maybe mostly, about working smart.
Africa is capable of lifting itself up, rid itself from shame of poverty as well as dependence and flourish in a globalised world, but that will require that we provide our youth with good education.

EDITORIAL : THE EL UNIVERSAL

        

 

Perú y el desafío de un futuro en la democracia


A lo largo de la campaña de segunda vuelta presidencial en Perú, muchos consideraban que tanto Ollanta Humala como Keiko Fujimori amenazaban la democracia, y que si no fuera obligatorio, optarían por no votar.

La confrontación de los programas electorales de Humala y Fujimori resultó ser para los peruanos una confrontación entre concepciones políticas de izquierda y de derecha, y aunque los candidatos no lo hayan dicho así, y por el contrario trataran de suavizar sus programas, la gente percibía que estaba escogiendo entre la propuesta de aumentar el tamaño y la influencia del Estado, controlando más al sector privado y reduciendo las disensiones y las libertades; y la de mantener una sociedad económicamente liberal, de libre juego democrático, pero con autoridad demasiado férrea, teñida de un antecedente de corrupción.

La realidad es menos esquemática, por supuesto, y en una región como América del Sur, que lucha por encontrar la senda del progreso, de la prosperidad económica y de la equidad social, difícilmente pueden replicarse sin trastornos experiencias como las de Venezuela y Ecuador.

En estas elecciones presidenciales, el fantasma de Chávez, aunque estuvo presente, no fue tan invasivo como en las pasadas, porque no hubo evidencia sobre su intromisión y porque hay un criterio menos dramático y más racional en torno a la posibilidad de que elegido Ollanta Humala, pueda convertirse en un títere del gobernante venezolano.

Tanto Humala como Fujimori ofrecieron poner en marcha programas sociales enfocados en los más pobres, en los ancianos y los menores, propuestas de corte populista que no se ocuparon a fondo de la economía peruana en avance, ni mostraron compromisos para continuarla o cambiarla drásticamente.

Todo parece indicar que Ollanta Humala es el próximo presidente del Perú, lo que a juicio del Premio Nobel Mario Vargas Llosa, resulta un triunfo contundente contra “el fascismo”, porque se libraron de que una “dictadura que fue corrompida y sangrienta volviera a tomar el poder”.

Por supuesto, no podía faltar el llamado al nuevo presidente, tanto de Vargas Llosa como el actual mandatario Alan García, para que propicie la reconciliación entre los peruanos y no contribuya a la polarización del país.

Para los analistas y consultores económicos, resulta inevitable que con el triunfo de Humala, hoy lunes los mercados financieros y de divisas experimenten grandes presiones de volatilidad, simplemente por el temor de un freno a la inversión privada que aplicaría el nuevo mandatario.

Muchos peruanos temen que Humala no sólo cambie radicalmente el modelo económico que ha hecho de Perú el país de mayor crecimiento en América Latina en la última década, sino que se embarque en modificaciones constitucionales para eternizarse en el poder, siguiendo el ejemplo de Chávez y Correa.

Lo único que podría impedir tan cosa es que los peruanos decidan unirse en el propósito de mantener la democracia y fortalecer el crecimiento económico, haciendo que favorezca por igual a toda la población.

Colombia, América del Sur y el mundo entero estarán atentos del rumbo que tome ahora Perú.








EDITORIAL : THE BUSINESS DAY, SOUTH AFRICA

         

 

Welcome move on state’s office leases


THE government’s response to the crisis of "renting to government" enrichment schemes underlines once again this administration’s happy notion that if something doesn’t work, then the solution is for government to take it over.

The idea is just wrong, demonstrably so, not only in principle but in practice.


What is gratifying is the recognition that "renting to government" schemes can be corrupt and therefore an onerous burden on taxpayers. Public Works Minister Gwen Mahlangu-Nkabinde brought the matter up in a debate in Parliament last week. Ms Mahlangu-Nkabinde was clearly reflecting on the police headquarters scandal.

Earlier this year, Public Protector Thuli Madonsela took steps to terminate a R500m lease agreement for police headquarters in Pretoria which was being pushed by police commissioner Bheki Cele. The finding reflects badly, to say the least, on Gen Cele. It also implicitly, and at times, explicitly, found fault with procedures at the Department of Public Works. We cannot be certain, but it does not seem impossible that this lease agreement is merely the tip of the iceberg, and there are many such lucrative contracts between the government and its supporters — or even its members.


The parliamentary debate gave Ms Mahlangu-Nkabinde an opportunity to present solutions. Her proposal is essentially to remove the government from the leasing market, as far as possible. The idea is that the government should rather build and own its own buildings. Unfortunately, excluding the private sector entirely means throwing the baby out with the bath water.


The vast majority of businesses in the private sector could, if they wanted to, own their office space. Yet the most businesses don’t do it, and prefer to rent their office space. The reason is simply: most business prefer to focus on their core function which is most often not property speculation. Owning property can be hugely beneficial to companies — if they are lucky enough to buy at the right time and in the right areas. But it’s inflexible and can result in unexpected costs if the business expands or contracts quickly. Buying at the right time in the right area requires expertise that most businesses recognise they don’t have, so they avoid getting locked in.



Some businesses do own their own headquarters, and oddly, it tends to be a good indication of the business is past its prime. The government is in a slightly different position. While individual businesses might expand and contract, the government is much larger and much less volatile. There is in normal circumstances little likelihood of the government going bankrupt, and even if it does, most of its functions continue. Hence, permanent headquarters seem more sensible.


Yet the actual functions of government do change. Certain projects and tasks might require personnel for a limited time. New departments are required, and others become redundant. So rental might not be so inappropriate for the government as it might seem.


The question is whether the government is getting a fair deal — or to put it another way, whether taxpayers are getting a good deal. From industry sources, it seems the government is putting an extremely high priority on renting from BEE companies. This is generally laudable, but it does also invite corruption and tends to increase costs. It was exactly this kind of fake deal which resulted in the police commissioner getting into hot water. The irony is that the existing police headquarters is also being rented by the department from BEE businessmen associated with the previous president and therefore now out of favour. Clearly, this is a game that has been played for some time.


Ms Mahlangu-Nkabinde needs to ensure that all contracts are at competitive rates and conducted at arm’s length. But it seems more sensible to stick to renting property in the short term, rather than to take on the expense of building more government buildings in a situation in which office space is anyway readily available.



Manyi: When will JZ learn?


IT IS almost boring to have to remind President Jacob Zuma that he was warned. In fact, our impression is that either he doesn’t listen to warnings or he doesn’t understand them.
But when he appointed the president of the Black Management Forum (BMF), Jimmy Manyi, as the head of the Government Communication and Information System (GCIS) and thus as chief Cabinet spokesmen, the whole world warned him that Mr Manyi suffered a chronic series of conflicts of interest and that these would be politically damaging. He cannot be, the whole world said loudly, BMF president and chief government spokesman at the same time. Just as he could not be simultaneously director-general of the Department of Labour and head of the BMF.
But Mr Zuma knows best.
He was so irritated with Deputy President  Kgalema Motlanthe appearing to grab centre stage when Nelson Mandela was hospitalised this year (Mr Zuma was abroad at the time), that he fired Mr Manyi’s predecessor at the GCIS.
Mr Manyi has since been at the centre of numerous storms (some not of his making, it must be said). Instead of telling the story, he has become it. It is a monumental, yet textbook, communications failure.
Now, the BMF’s efforts to force Business Unity SA (Busa), the leading business lobby, to appoint as its head a candidate nominated by the BMF has exposed the Manyi appointment for the idiocy it is.
Busa is the only business lobby the president speaks to, on the rare occasions he does speak to employers. To have his spokesman (in whatever capacity he may believe he is acting) also try to dictate the person who represents the other party is insane. Will Mr Zuma do anything about it? Probably not. He can’t.
But here is the effect of what Mr Manyi is doing: by his own admission in the state of the nation speech this year, Mr Zuma recognises that business will be the prime creator of most of the 5-million new jobs his administration has ambitiously promised by 2020. By allowing his spokesman to treat Busa, the primary chosen interlocutor, as a doormat, he will have directly helped to deflate the will of business to come to a party, the potential of which it is not entirely convinced of anyway. Mr Manyi has done real damage. But Mr Zuma is responsible for it.


FINANCIAL TIMES: Beef up cyber defences


THE march of cyber war from science fiction to fact continues apace. On Wednesday, Google revealed that, for the second time in two years, it had fallen victim to a cyber attack launched in China. As the world’s reliance on computer networks grows, such threats will only become more acute. It is crucial, therefore, that governments and companies take steps to combat this problem.
Despite moves this week by the US government to classify cyber attacks as an act of war (which might allow military retaliation), Cold War-style deterrence is not a realistic option. That puts a premium on defence. Here there is much governments and companies can do. Companies should isolate sensitive systems from the internet and other internal networks. They must control gadgets used by staff more tightly. Companies must get used to pooling details of security breaches with rivals.
Governments, for their part, must include the private sector in their defensive planning. An attack on the banking sector, for example, could be crippling. Yet most cyber- defence agencies focus on protecting the government and the military. That must change.
Ultimately, however, systems are no more secure than the staff who run them. The latest attack on Google exploited not technical but human frailty. That is something no amount of technology can cover. London, June 3






EDITORIAL : ASHARQ ALAWSAT, SAUDI ARABIA, published in LONDON



The Yemeni President after the Audio recording

Last Monday, a week ago exactly, I wrote an article entitled 'The Yemeni President before the audio recording.' Today we are entering the post-audio recording stage as President Ali Abdullah Saleh was subjected to an assassination attempt which he escaped miraculously and after which he left Yemen for Saudi Arabia for medical treatment. So was this Saleh's final exit?  
All possibilities are viable; perhaps Saleh's departure to Saudi Arabia to receive medical treatment is the beginning of a breakthrough for the Yemeni crisis or perhaps it will cause the crisis to escalate further especially as violent clashes have broken out in Sanaa. The attack on the Yemeni president in the mosque of the presidential palace during Friday prayers tells us a great deal; firstly it means that there is, without doubt, a rift among security circles close to the president as it was evident that the operation against Saleh was very meticulous with regards to timing and location i.e. the rows in which President Saleh and other leading figures were standing.
Secondly, all of that means that Saleh's rule has practically come to an end because as long as the presidential palace is being shelled and government buildings are being occupied – not to mention the ongoing demonstrations that have continued for months now – how much legitimacy does the ruling regime in Yemen have left? Therefore, with the departure of President Saleh to receive medical treatment in Saudi Arabia, Yemen may have entered a new, critical phase that will either represent a breakthrough or the moment of explosion that everybody feared.
Today, it is expected that matters will be settled in Sanaa by occupying the presidential palace and declaring the end of Saleh's rule officially, especially as divisions have appeared among his men following the assassination attempt on his life, or we will see an outbreak of clashes over power in Yemen, and only God knows what the repercussions of this would be. This is where the danger lies and this is what we hope will not happen.
There could be a third possibility; perhaps the departure of President Saleh from Sanaa to receive medical treatment in Saudi Arabia is just a step that has been taken after which Saleh will announce that he is renouncing power for medical reasons and that he is handing over power to one of the government figures close to him. These are all just possibilities of course but what is certain is that we are now facing a real turning point in the course of events; it might be the beginning of the end or we might be dealing with the opening of the gates of hell in Yemen, God forbid. What is also certain today is that we are facing the departure of a third Arab president after he released an audio recording like Gaddafi and Mubarak and Saddam Hussein before them and it is unfortunate when the situation for presidents reaches this stage, as it would have been more appropriate to prevent bloodshed and avoid the destruction one's nation. The departure of the third Arab president also means that we are facing a decisive stage that could change the level of tension in the region; if a peaceful transition of power is achieved in Yemen, and Gaddafi is deposed in Libya, which is now imminent, then there is no doubt that the time will come for Syria's Assad regime.
Therefore it seems that the Yemeni recording will be the most influential in the Arab political market in the region just like a best-selling record!

EDITORIAL : THE NIGERIAN TRIBUNE, NIGERIA



WHAT JONATHAN MUST DO

PRESIDENT Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan was formally sworn in as President on May 29, 2011.  He is legally expected to exercise presidential powers from that day till May 29, 2011. As an incumbent, who assumed office following the death of President Umaru Yar’Adua,  the 2011 election was his first contest for the office of president in Nigeria.  Until now, he was the inheritor of the joint mandate which he shared with the late President Yar’ Adua in 2007.  Fortunately for him, the mandate he has just received derives from an election that is easily the most credible presidential election since Nigeria returned to democratic rule in 1999.  This means that he enjoys a legitimacy that towers above that of his predecessors.  But to whom much is given much is expected. President Jonathan must handle this mandate with utmost sense of responsibility and consciousness of the privilege given to him to insert his footprints in the sands of time.
RIGHT from the time he assumed office as acting President, Jonathan has not failed to show Nigerians that he has a sense of priority.  Indeed, this became clear in his famous interview with Christiane Amanpour of the Cable News Network (CNN) during his visit to the United States.  In that interview, he emphasised that his government will concentrate on ensuring free, fair and credible elections, developing the power sector, especially electricity and rejuvenating the anti-corruption war. In the build up to the election campaign for the office of president, he further produced a road map for the power sector, a blueprint for the gas sector and a renewed commitment to rail transportation, and employment generation. It is expected that this list will continue to grow.
JONATHAN must give priority to security.  This is because the maintenance of law, order and security is the essential function of the state.  Indeed, the failure of government to guarantee the safety and security of life and property is the most visible evidence of state failure.  In the particular situation of Nigeria, the post-election violence that witnessed the death of 10 youth corps members on election duties, shows the great challenges ahead. Economic activities cannot take place in an insecure environment.
GIVEN the high levels of poverty, the prevalence of youth unemployment and poor capacity utilisation of industry, Jonathan must adopt a strategic approach to dealing with the country’s developmental challenges.  While focusing on the low hanging fruits in order to hit the road running and taking adequate advantage of his honeymoon period, he must lay a solid foundation for future growth and development. He must therefore prioritize his programme and ensure a systemic sequence of intervention that will yield maximum positive effect.
JONATHAN must focus on the power sector.   This means that this sector be given high priority.  It has a great and immeasurable multiplier effect on the economy.  Ensuring adequate and constant power supply will have direct effect on the productivity of the many small scale industries and individual craftsmen on the streets whose productivity and income has been bridged by electricity outages.  It is not news that craftsmen and artisans have abandoned their trade to become Okada riders because of the sheer challenge of surviving on such trade.  Furthermore, ensuring adequate and constant electricity supply will help revitalise manufacturing.  Shortage of electricity has meant that industrial organisations have had to rely on diesel-run generators to sustain production.  The cost of production has become so high that it has undermined the country’s competitiveness.  Many industries have had to relocate to neighbouring Ghana in search of a better business environment.  Thus, the achievement of adequate and constant electricity supply is a sine qua non for rapid industrial growth and employment generation.
THE second critical and strategic focus of the government should be infrastructure, especially transportation infrastructure.    In this regard, road transport is very critical because of the poor state of existing roads. But what is called for is a strategic focus on road, rail and water transport as complementary means of moving goods and passengers.  The government must in the long term modernise the rail system.  This is the only way to ensure that roads are not easily overwhelmed and destroyed by big trucks and trailers that are the dominant means of transporting goods across the country today.  The government needs to also promote the use of water transport wherever possible. It can do this effectively working with the relevant state governments.
ANY investment in infrastructure cannot be meaningful if rampant corruption is not curbed.  Several studies have shown that Nigeria gets 40 per cent value for its investments in infrastructure.  These means a large chunk of the money allocated to develop infrastructure has ended in private pockets. If the goals of infrastructural development are to be realised, then the government’s anti-corruption campaign must proceed in earnest and with good results. The problem with corruption is that it prevents policy inculcation and erodes the legitimacy of government. Once projects are not carried, technology adoption and transfer cannot happen.  Contracts are done in a substandard manner if they are done at all.  This means the country loses both the opportunity to learn by doing and are deprived of the facilities that are left undone. Government cannot effectively respond to the welfare of the mass of citizens if corruption persists at current levels.  The growth that Nigeria has experienced since the return to democratic rule has not translated into reduced poverty levels because of the unsustainable levels of corruption.
THE third and final important strategic focus should be education.  These must be better funded by working with the other tiers of government.  The educational policy and practice must be fine-tuned to ensure that both the philosophy and curriculum of education directly relate to the economy and society.  There must be emphasis on innovation and connection with industry.  Indeed tertiary education must be redesigned to feed industry.  Here, the Federal Government needs to facilitate linkages and provide mechanisms for the use of research from the universities by government and the private sector. This is the only way we can utilise our educational system to drive development and solve social problems.
 

EDITORIAL : THE OUTLOOK, AFGANISTAN

                

 

The Environment Week


There is pressing need to work for cleaner and greener environment. Gifting a health friendly environment to the coming generations of Afghanistan is what we need to work for today
In Kabul, one of the most polluted capitals of the world, this week has been dedicated to environment. The week is aimed at creating public awareness, as the environmental pollution has reached its climax. The severity of pollution can be judged by the dusty air and garbage scattered everywhere in the capital of Afghanistan. Three decades of conflicts, around five million people, huge number of vehicles, lack of greenery, poor sewerage system and government's unwillingness have turned Kabul into a dreadful place for humans to live. Studies show the water that the people drink in Kabul is not safe even for animals.
It is not merely the government that is carelessly functioning to address environmental problems but also the people. Outreach programs are deemed to have positive impacts on the mindset of people and therefore, are appreciated.
It is not so that steps have not been taken but those have been so minor as compared to the immensity problems our environment is facing. National Environment Agency was established in 2005, the first Environment Law was endorsed in 2007 and since the end of 2010, in addition to Fridays, Thursdays are also off in Kabul to add in bettering the environment.
But problems have been becoming bigger with the passage of each year due to lack of proper planning. The funds that have been available to the government of Afghanistan have become the victims of corrupt and dishonest people. For instance, Mr. Sahibi, the ex-mayor of Kabul was involved in massive embezzlement and therefore, the Supreme Court sentenced him to a four-year imprisonment. But he was backed by President Karzai and lives as free man until today.

The conditions in other cities of Afghanistan - Kandahar, Mazar-e-Sharif, Kunduz, Jalalabad and many others resemble to that of Kabul. There too, the environment is increasingly becoming polluted. If no major measure is in place in capital, how could one think condition that will improve in provinces?
There is pressing need to work for cleaner and greener environment. Gifting a health friendly environment to the coming generations of Afghanistan is what we need to work for today.


Fighting Corruption from a New Perspective


Rampant corruption has always been a hot issue in the country. It is considered to be a huge obstacle in the way of progress in the country, has disappointed the general Afghan public and the international community alike and continues to erode the very pillars of Afghan state. As one of the first rules of governing people, it is important to manage perceptions of the general public. The rage of corruption both large-scale and small, petty bribe-taking has adversely affected the meager lives of poor and destitute masses.
People's perception of the government has plummeted to historic lows. The efforts of the government of Afghanistan and its international supporters to curb the menace have largely been to throw money at the problem, erecting one anti-corruption agency after another without giving due attention to those fundamental factors that drive the vicious cycle of corruption in the first place.
It is time to view the problem of corruption in the country from a new perspective and in light of new findings devise effective strategies. In Afghanistan much like other similar countries in Asia, fighting corruption has always meant going after the corrupt bureaucrat i.e. the director of a government office, the judge of a low level court, the administrator of a public utility department, etc.
The broader picture that is the politician-bureaucrat nexus is conveniently placed outside the realm of investigation and prosecution. In other words, it is critical to clean up the political leadership that sits at the top of the bureaucratic and administrative structure of the government whether in the center or provinces. Once the politicos stay away from corrupt wheeling and dealing, bureaucrats working under their control will not find much space for indulging in corrupt practices.
Therefore, as the saying goes, the fish rots from the head. At the same time, regulatory, vigilance, oversight and law enforcement mechanisms need to be radically strengthened. In present Afghanistan, targeting and prosecuting the influential corrupt among the political class might be politically very difficult; entrenched powers and powerful vested interests might not be willing to cede their liberty in practicing corruption.
But until and unless difficult decisions are made and implemented and the status-quo shattered, curbing corruption will remain a pipedream and a figment of imagination. The other factor is reforming, revamping and modernizing the archaic and extremely old structures of government which is a legacy of the era of monarchy and before.
Bringing greater democracy and diversified representation to political appointments in provinces done by Kabul as well as emphasizing personal competence rather than political loyalties all will go a long way in reducing corruption. The state of affairs on the front of fighting corruption is disheartening. Before time runs out, we have to pull back the country from the verge of this self-created abyss.



The US Military Withdrawal from Iraq


Sometimes it gets really difficult to find out how terrorist philosophy works out. And how they are coming out with decision to carry out suicidal attack on their countrymen with the same race, language and religion, the factors which are recognized as three uniting forces? On Saturday, June 03, 2011, a suicide bomber attacked a mosque filled with Iraqi politicians and policemen and another blew himself inside a hospital where wounded were taken and family members gathered, which both took 21 lives in the very hometown of former President Saddam Hussein, Tikrit.
However, nobody claimed the responsibility, but there were widespread assumption Sunni fundamentalists who are opposing any cooperation with a so-called Shiite dominated government might have organized and carried out the attacks.
Indubitably, the current slogan of terror networks is Jihad against infidels and those colluding with them, but the very fundamentals of their philosophy are violated by themselves.
If they justify assassination of officials for colluding with infidel, and civilians for cooperating with governments, but there is nothing to justify the suicidal attacks. According to jurisprudence of any sects of Islam, suicide is an anti-Islamic act and the committer would be punished in resurrection day by Allah, while suicide bombings have become the core strategy of terrorists and Jihadists.
Once this question was put to Mr. Same-ul-Haq Haqqani, who owns a Madressa Dar-ul-uloom Haqqani in Pakistan and once was the teacher of Taliban leader, Mullah Omer, that "Is suicidal attack Islamic"? With a tricky smile on his lips, he answered that he was talking from position of a politicians, not a clergy.
Oops! When they are announcing Jihad and asking people to join them and fight against infidels, everything is Islamic, and Jihad becomes an Islamic principle to be followed like the rest of rituals. And there is nothing of politics and politicians and they do not care about politics. When the religion restricts their inhuman activities, they become politicians and talk from position of a politician. How ridiculous!
Iraqi officials should understand and notice about the danger that might be followed by US military withdrawal. Such small domestic terror networks, however strong, are unable to deal severe blow to security situation and political stability. What civilians and officials should fear the most is relaxation of tight measures over parties and organizations which presently are unwillingly cooperating with the government and with, after withdrawal, will find opportunity to dominate key decisions regarding democratic process. Such perversion for democratic process is dangerous and will inflame bloody sectarian violence, which occurred after 2005 parliamentary election.





EDITORIAL : THE KHALEEJ TIMES, UAE



Saleh should now resign

Shrapnel has made the ultimate difference. With President Ali Abdullah Al Saleh safe and recovering in Saudi Arabia, Yemen political equation has taken a new turn. The spate of ambush attacks that left Saleh badly injured has proved to be the turning point forcing the embattled president to abandon Sanaa at this critical hour of real-politick.
But there is a deafening silence as far as any firm word on the governance structure and apparatus is concerned in Yemen, and has left political pundits groping in the dark. The very fact that Saleh agreed to fly to Riyadh for medical treatment without any fuss, as he had been hoodwinking efforts to sign on the power transfer agreement brokered by the Gulf Cooperation Council, is indicative of the water that has flown down the bridge, and hints at the possibility of bidding adieu to his three decades rule.
The constitution, which entrusts the vice-president to take over the reigns of power in such a situation, is in need of being exercised in letter and spirit. Whatever may be Saleh’s stand, as he hasn’t publicly declared to step down, it is incumbent upon Vice-President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi to make use of this pause to restore the writ of the government and workout a new power equilibrium with the opposition forces. It’s high time the months old civil war and politics of factionalisation should come to an end, and the country revert back to reconstruction and reconciliation. Saleh’s defiance has only compounded the situation on ground, as he hardly had any regard for regional congeniality and peace prospects at home.
The next few days and weeks will be important for Yemen, especially from the point of view of Saleh’s future This is the time for the GCC to get pro-active and compel the ailing president to sign on the dotted line. Riyadh’s influence, as it hosts the dictator, will be decisive in nature. He needs to be reminded and subsequently persuaded that he is in a much-weakened position, and had left the country deeply shattered in a state of turmoil. Moreover, with almost all of his neighbours quite eager to seek his exit from power decorum, and the international community nursing ill will against his prolonged rule, it’s time to call it a day. Saleh’s reason to go for medical treatment was logical. He should now also see a rationale in standing down.


Soccer’s new era

The arrival of Diego Maradona on the Gulf soccer scene could herald even more top-level coaches to move towards what is swiftly becoming a mature soccer-playing region. Just as cricket teams have broken the barriers and brought in high level teaching talent from abroad (most of the sub-continental teams have successfully experimented with foreign coaches) the same could well become a norm in football, especially where competition is keen and fans love the game like they do in the Gulf and the Middle East.
While it does break down geographical barriers, the presence of coaches from different cultures also brings a new dimension and new concepts to the coaching system and technology itself gets a boost.
Suddenly club level soccer has attained seriousness, as compared to it being once a second-tier as opposed to national team prestige. Pretty much like the Premier League in England and the Bundesliga or the South American club games, the arrival of the heavyweights on the training and technique circuits heralds a similar passion for being star attractions and major draws when the top clubs play each other.
One would like to see even more exchange and awareness in the large expat populations living in the region who have not yet espoused the national sport at the club level in large numbers. If the arrival of people like Maradona can entice them to click the turnstile and the media, especially TV and radio can contribute to establishing a rapport with the expat soccer lover and the local clubs then soccer will receive a tremendous boost.
To our mind if Man United can have fans in different parts of the world, there is no reason why people who live in this part of the Middle East cannot display an equal passion. It is all a question of packaging and marketing and making it accessible to those who feel they do not fit in. If the players are made more familiar, if there is the necessary hype and corporates begin to associate themselves as sponsors and advertisers, this could well be the era of big time club soccer and we will all be the happier for it.

EDITORIAL : THE NEW ZELAND HERALD, NEW ZELAND



Public service honoured in all its forms

It is a good list of national honours that recognises public service in all its forms. Today's Queen's Birthday list creates five new knights and two new dames for services ranging from the well-known philanthropy of Dame Rosie Horton and Sir James Wallace, to the educational and sporting contributions of Sir John Graham and the writing, in Maori, of Dame Katerina Mataira.
The list is no less impressive one rung down the ladder on the New Zealand Order of Merit. New companions of the order include a man New Zealanders scarcely know, Dr Matteo de Nora, who lives in Monaco and, according to his citation, has "almost entirely funded the existence of Emirates Team New Zealand since 2007". He also sponsors neurological research at the University of Auckland.
But perhaps the most deserved honour is Roger Kerr, executive director of the Business Roundtable, being made a CNZM. He has had a greater influence on New Zealand's economic direction over the past 25 years than anybody outside the state service, or possibly within it.
When Mr Kerr left the Treasury to take charge of the Roundtable, he transformed a reclusive club of the corporate elite into a visible, articulate sponsor of economic research and advocacy.
Often called a "lobby", the Kerr Roundtable's philosophy and operation are the antithesis of lobbying. The group advocates strict neutrality for governments in the allocation of economic resources and has made its arguments in public with forceful reports, statements, articles or seminars.
It is not necessary to agree with Mr Kerr, always or ever, to acknowledge the rigour and clarity of his advocacy and his unfailing good manners in debate. He publishes analyses of public issues whether governments seem to be listening or not. Usually they are, without letting on.
Among others made companions of the order, John Banks, twice Mayor of Auckland City, was the only local body leader to embrace the Super City enthusiastically. Mark Ford, who headed the Auckland Transition Authority, has been similarly honoured.
Chris Doig, a former chief executive of New Zealand Cricket and also a noted opera singer, has served the country's cultural administration as well as its sport, and Howard Broad, the recently retired Police Commissioner, has been decorated despite the questions remaining about the Urewera "terrorist" raids.
Netball coach Ruth Aitken heads the list of those made officers of the order, which includes Silver Ferns captain Casey Williams, Black Caps captain Daniel Vettori and former captain Stephen Fleming. Vettori is particularly deserving for the weight he has carried in a team without stars.
Education professor John Hattie, who helped to inspire the Government's national standards for primary schools, has been made a member of the NZ Order of Merit despite his subsequent criticism of the policy. Popular music brings an award for Paul Ellis, known as a television talent-quest judge, who organised the entertainment for the splendid Christchurch earthquake memorial service.
Broadcaster John Hawkesby, a host of outdoor concerts in Auckland, is also made a member of the order, as is celebrity columnist David Hartnell, possibly the first in the world to be honoured for gossip.
Altogether, 169 New Zealanders have been acknowledged for their services in fields ranging from the arts to business, medicine, law and community work of many kinds. Most are not well known, and if some of their citations sound modest, they will all have been nominated by colleagues or members of communities they serve, who know what they do and want to honour it.
It is always gratifying there are so many, and probably thousands like them who deserve the nation's thanks.







EDITORIAL : THE NATIONAL POST, CANADA

          

 

Even drunk drivers have civil rights


The city of Sudbury, Ont. is preparing an unusual response to the continuing problem of drunk driving. Starting next week, every Tuesday, a list will be published online, naming all the individuals charged with impaired driving over the prior seven days. It is hoped that this public shaming of those charged with driving while impaired will deter others from getting behind the wheel after having had too many drinks.
It might indeed. And drunk driving is certainly a serious issue that Canadian governments and courts do not take seriously enough. More should be done, especially to address the threat posed by chronic drunk drivers: Too often we hear about someone being killed by a drunk driver with numerous prior convictions who had on prior occasions been let off with the proverbial slap on the wrist. But the appropriate response to impaired drivers, whether on their first or 10th offence, is stiff punishment and mandatory alcohol rehabilitation for those found guilty, not the shaming of those who are still presumed innocent.
To be fair, many drunk driving cases are fairly open-andshut affairs. If pulled over or stopped at a checkpoint and found to be drunk, the essential facts of the case are established. But the fundamental tenets of our justice system must still apply. Anyone caught driving drunk can of course plead guilty, but they also have the right to contest the evidence (however futilely), to consult with legal counsel and to argue their case -if any -before a judge. The Sudbury police have no right to usurp these fundamental rights from any citizen, not even in the name of deterring a crime.
It is true that the media regularly report the names and hometowns of those arrested and charged with a crime, even though the presumption of innocence still applies to them. But reporters generally report such information impartially and without judgment. The Sudbury police can claim no such motivation -they have been quite clear that their intention in publishing the names of those charged with drunk driving is to deter further acts by humiliating those they arrest.
This is clearly a punitive measure, in other words. And it is meted out by the police before the suspect is permitted to have his day in court. The police would never publish a central list of white-collar criminals who had not been convicted in a courtroom, and for good reason. The same principles of justice should apply to all those under arrest and facing trial. Impaired driving's social stigma should not negate one's civil rights.
The proposal is especially worrisome because of some ambiguity that already exists in Ontario's laws concerning driving while intoxicated. In recent years, Ontario has begun to shift the definition of drunk driving from its current, federally set level of .08% Blood Alcohol Content (BAC), to the much lower BAC of .05%. Though Ontario does not have the ability to change the Criminal Code to make .05% the point at which one is guilty of driving while impaired, the province has used its authority over its own highways and roads to make life unpleasant for those found driving with a BAC between .05% and .08%, the so-called "warn range." Anyone found driving while in the warn range has their license immediately suspended, their car impounded and their insurance company notified. Arguably that already goes too far, in that it essentially criminalizes non-criminal behaviour. Thus far, the Sudbury police say they have no intention of publishing the names of those caught in the warn range, but given their existing willingness to publish the names of the presumed innocent, it must be asked if posting the names of those suspected of almost drunk driving will be the next target, should this latest deterrent campaign fail to provide satisfactory results.
If the Sudbury police can make a convincing case that public shaming provides a credible deterrent effect for drunk driving, they should feel free to list the names of those who have been found guilty of their charges by the courts, making their public listing simply another part of their punishment. In the meantime, the police have no right singling out some suspects for pre-emptive punishment over others.






EDITORIAL : THE NEW STRAITS TIMES, MALAYSIA

 

Tainted food


AS the toxic sports drinks, fruit juices and dietary supplements produced in Taiwan have found their way into local supermarkets and convenience stores according to information provided by the island's Food and Drug Administration, it was only prudent that the Health Ministry has directed importers to take the suspected products off the shelves. On Wednesday, the ministry ordered the immediate recall of asparagus juice, lemon juice and orange juice made by two Taiwanese companies and suspended imports of the tainted products. On Saturday, seven more products, including flavoured tea, juices and jellies, were added to the blacklist. At the same time, the ministry's food safety and quality department tested samples of 30 types of food products that have been brought into the country. Though 14 have been given a clean bill of health to date, the director-general of health has applied the precautionary principle and advised the public to stay away from Made in Taiwan food and beverages for the time being.
Many retailers have responded to the warning and advice by withdrawing the imported products from sale. However, it is regrettable that some have apparently not done so. This inertia is unacceptable as merchants have as much a duty as regulators to keep consumers safe. Certainly, there's no reason to panic and a good reason for the authorities to inform the public in a timely manner. Some fears about food contamination may be unfounded as they were over the radioactive fallout from the leaking Fukushima nuclear plant. When it has been verified that a product is free of plasticiser and poses no risk to health, consumers should not be stopped from buying. But until it is confirmed that it is not hazardous, it should be considered as potentially harmful. What has been found to be contaminated so far could be just the tip of the iceberg.

Moreover, though the source of the plasticiser contamination is not shrouded in mystery as is the case with the outbreak of the deadly strain of E. coli in Europe, there is still a lot of unknowns. Though there is a long list of tainted products, there is no clear list of what has been exported to this country, and it will likely take some time to trace them. In any case, as food contamination and food-borne diseases regularly make the headlines, nobody should think this would be the last imported food scare in this country. This calls for sound early detection and response systems and improved coordination with exporting countries to limit the dangers that come with food from outside our borders.

EDITORIAL : THE GUARDIAN, ENGLAND

        

 

Politics: Disunited Kingdom

Ed Miliband needs to recapture the support which Tony Blair once mustered across the deep blue south

There's a long time to go before the SNP's promised referendum on independence, but Alex Salmond aims to use it to exploit the momentum the party has gained from its overwhelming success in the May elections. His latest London-based target is the UK supreme court, which two weeks ago ruled that a Scottish conviction should be overturned on human rights grounds. That, the Nationalists say, fails to honour their nation's established right to conduct its own legal system.
Scotland's determination to march to its own music is the most spectacular sign of the diminishing political unity of the United Kingdom. But it's not alone. Fifty years ago, the Conservatives could be sure of nearly 50% of the vote in Scotland; in the 2010 election, they took 17%, and only one seat. But 50 years ago, too, the party held four of Manchester's nine parliamentary seats, and six of Liverpool's nine. They have not now won in Manchester since 1983, or in Liverpool since 1979. In the local elections in May, they failed to win even one seat in Liverpool, Manchester, Newcastle and Sheffield. Had they not through the Thatcher years forfeited the allegiance of great cities they might not be needing coalition partners today.
Yet these elections were ominous for Labour too. A month ago, Ed Miliband rode in triumph to Gravesham, Kent, to celebrate its capture from the Conservatives. "North, south, east and west," he enthused, "Labour is making gains and coming back." Not so. Of the 27 councils Labour gained, only one apart from Gravesham was in the south. Of 61 councils where Labour failed to take even one seat, almost eight in 10 were southern. As the geographer Danny Dorling demonstrates in his book So You Think You Know About Britain?, in 2010, political polarisation, north versus south, urban versus rural, reached its highest point since 1918. Nor is it hard to see why. As Dorling also shows, British society, as measured by a wealth of indicators from life expectancy to housing provision, is built on inequality. The least favoured places, by no means all in the north, have done worst in recession; but they also gained least from Labour's years of prosperity.
There's a hard choice here for Mr Miliband. He needs to recapture the support which Tony Blair once mustered across the deep blue south. But to do so implies a top priority for what New Labour used to talk of as "southern comfort" – at great possible cost to harder pressed places across the rest of the land. For David Cameron to win back Liverpool Walton, for Ed Miliband to recapture Wimbledon – such epic feats look well beyond their present capacities. We may have rejected AV, but the chance of returning to clear cut national outcomes looks remote.

 

Charities: The state of donation

Donations will have to scale entirely new heights if the phrase big society is to avoid acquiring the ring of a cold joke

A Conservative council, with a history of cleansing the poor from its housing, is currently attempting to criminalise the good souls who distribute soup to the destitute. For the moment, Westminster's draft bylaws are a minor embarrassment for David Cameron, but the way things are going they could become an emblem for the fate of his avowed wish to create a kinder, gentler country amid hard times.
The prime minister remains genuinely convinced he is on to something with his "big society", or else he would hardly have attempted something which no political adviser would ever recommend – a third relaunch. In a speech a fortnight ago, the prime minister acknowledged that Joe Public now doubts the coalition is about anything except cuts. But undeterred by the simultaneous announcement that big society tsar Nat Wei was abdicating, Mr Cameron replayed all his soothing records about how the giving impulse makes communities come alive. He offered one or two prosaic thoughts, such as broadening the narrow basis of Whitehall's cost-benefit analysis, which may eventually win philanthropic efforts a little more recognition. For the most part, the speech was a reminder that warm words about the space between the state and the citizen plays better in opposition. Like the young Tony Blair before him, Mr Cameron made great play of the indubitable importance of civic society before coming to office. Unlike Mr Blair, however, he has not grasped that after the people propel someone to power, they are more interested in what that person says about the things they can influence than about the things they cannot.
One by one, the big ideas which it was promised would involve charities in the state's work are coming unstuck. The health service reforms are in pieces, most welfare-to-work contracts have been gobbled by businesses not charities, and now the mooted new right for outsiders to run any public services is being held back by Lib Dems who fear it amounts to a general duty to privatise. The immediate future of the little platoons who, in the Burkean buzz-phrase, comprise the big society, depends not on picking up public sector work, but on inspiring new generosity to make up for the sudden drying up of billions in statutory grants.
As we report today, the auguries are not good. The disappearance of a net 1,600 charities over the last year is one indictor of strain. Some amalgamations make things more efficient, others merely balance the books at the cost of a distinctive focus – witness the recent forced marriage of Fairbridge, a superlative youth charity once hailed by Mr Cameron himself. Such are the pay cuts and shake-outs in some platoons, that by the time happier days return there may not be enough professional troops left to rally voluntary help.
Donations have picked up from the nadir of the crash, but they have not returned to the previous peak. They will have to scale entirely new heights if the phrase big society is to avoid acquiring the ring of a cold joke. Anything is worth trying, including the derided Whitehall proposal to invite benevolence at the cash point, but the most authoritative study of the last 30 years of British giving suggests such innovations tend to shuffle donations around, as opposed to increasing their overall level. The one idea in the giving white paper which charities have really latched on to is inheritance tax breaks for generous bequests. Persuading Britain's tight-wadded wealthy to redeem themselves in death is a noble ambition, but the more established plutocratic magnanimity of America is better at achieving immortality through bricks and mortar than reliably addressing social needs.
Worse, by draining tax revenues, the scheme could hasten the shredding of the welfare safety net, and so increase the call on charities. One more of the many paradoxes involved in building a bigger society with shrinking budgets.

 

In praise of … Esther Duflo and Abhijit Banerjee

Through lots of microstudies, they make a subtle case for one big argument: aid really can help poor people

Since the banking crisis broke, the different schools of economic thought have gained much exposure. You've heard of the Keynesians, the monetarists, the behaviouralists. Well, now meet the randomistas. The nickname given to the work done by MIT economists Abhijit Banerjee and Esther Duflo refers to their use of randomised control trials, familiar to whitecoats working in science labs but not so common among crumpled development analysts in, say, West Bengal. Yet Banerjee and Duflo put the random trial to excellent use to find out what works. Want poor families in north India to immunise their children? Offer the parents a small bag of lentils as an incentive and vaccination rates make a startling jump, from around 5% to almost 40%. Or take the question of whether poor Africans really value mosquito nets they are given free. Much debated within university faculties, it took a randomista to go out to west Kenya and find the answer (an emphatic yes). Duflo and Banerjee tell these stories in a lovely new book called Poor Economics. As they admit, randomistas cannot answer some big questions – how to tackle food prices, for instance. But through lots of microstudies, they make a subtle case for one big argument: aid really can help poor people, provided the money follows the evidence. The economists back home lining up to warn George Osborne his plan isn't working must wish there was some simple experiment to settle the manner, without making guinea pigs of us all.







 

EDITORIAL : THE NEW YORK TIMES, USA



They Want to Make Voting Harder?

One of the most promising recent trends in expanding political participation has been allowing people to vote in the weeks before Election Day, either in person or by mail. Early voting, which enables people to skip long lines and vote at more convenient times, has been increasingly popular over the last 15 years. It skyrocketed to a third of the vote in 2008, rising particularly in the South and among black voters supporting Barack Obama.
And that, of course, is why Republican lawmakers in the South are trying desperately to cut it back. Two states in the region have already reduced early-voting periods, and lawmakers in others are considering doing so. It is the latest element of a well-coordinated effort by Republican state legislators across the country to disenfranchise voters who tend to support Democrats, particularly minorities and young people.
The biggest part of that effort, imposing cumbersome requirements that voters have a government ID, has been painted as a response to voter fraud, an essentially nonexistent problem. But Republican lawmakers also have taken a good look at voting patterns, realized that early voting might have played a role in Mr. Obama’s 2008 victory, and now want to reduce that possibility in 2012.
Mr. Obama won North Carolina, for example, by less than 15,000 votes. That state has had early voting since 2000, and in 2008, more ballots were cast before Election Day than on it. Mr. Obama won those early votes by a comfortable margin. So it is no coincidence that the North Carolina House passed a measure — along party lines — that would cut the early voting period by a week, reducing it to a week and a half before the election. The Senate is preparing a similar bill, which we hope Gov. Beverly Perdue, a Democrat, will veto if it reaches her.
Republicans said the measure would save money, a claim as phony as saying widespread fraud necessitates ID cards. The North Carolina elections board, and many county boards, said it would actually cost more money, because they would have to open more voting sites and have less flexibility allocating staff members. Black lawmakers called it what it is: a modern whiff of Jim Crow.
More than half of the state’s black votes were cast before Election Day, compared with 40 percent of the white votes. A similar trend was evident elsewhere in the South, according to studies by the Early Voting Information Center, a nonpartisan academic center at Reed College in Oregon. Blacks voting early in the South jumped from about 13 percent in 2004 to 33 percent in 2008, according to the studies, significantly outpacing the percentage of whites.
One of the biggest jumps was in Georgia, where, over the objections of several black lawmakers, the Republican-dominated Legislature passed a bill in April that would cut back in-person early voting to 21 days, from 45 days. Florida just cut its early voting period to eight days, from 14. Florida also eliminated the Sunday before Election Day as an early-voting day; election experts note that will eliminate the practice of many African-Americans of voting directly after going to church.
Outside the region, the Republican-dominated Legislature in Ohio, a perennial battleground state, is about to restrict early voting, a move that Democrats say amounts to voter suppression and discrimination.
Thirty-three states and the District of Columbia now allow some form of early voting, a relic from the days when everyone seemed to agree that more voters were better for democracy. Republicans have recently decided that a larger electorate can hurt them.



No Time to Let Up on the Fight

The battle to slow the global AIDS epidemic has made astonishing progress over the past decade, especially in countries whose survival as functioning societies had once seemed threatened. The question is whether the momentum can be maintained at a time when donations are falling, the need for treatment is rising, and research suggests that with sufficient resources the epidemic could be stopped in its tracks.
A report issued on Friday by the United Nations AIDS agency, Unaids, noted that thanks to a vigorous effort by donor nations and international organizations, the global annual rate of new cases of H.I.V. dropped by 25 percent over the last decade. AIDS-related deaths have declined, and some 6.6 million people in low- and middle-income countries were being treated with antiretroviral drugs at the end of 2010. For them, AIDS is no longer a death sentence. Most are likely to live near-normal lives.
But an even larger number of people in those countries, some nine million, qualified for treatment but were unable to get it, usually because there was not enough money to buy the drugs or set up clinics and train personnel to deliver the medicines. Almost $16 billion was spent to fight the epidemic in low- and middle-income countries in 2009, but at least $22 billion a year is needed by 2015. In 2009 and 2010, disbursements by donor nations declined.
Beyond the need to treat millions of people whose immune systems are weak enough to qualify for care right now lies the exciting prospect that the epidemic could be stopped if all of the estimated 34 million people infected with the virus could be treated. A pivotal study found that if an infected person was treated with drugs immediately, the risk of transmission to an uninfected partner was cut by 96 percent. The upfront costs of treating everyone would be huge, but in the long run it could well save money by greatly reducing the number of people who become infected and need treatment.
In recent years, the United States and other far-sighted donors have worked to build up the health-care systems in afflicted countries, push governments to assume more responsibility for fighting their own epidemics, and cut costs with common-sense reforms like using generic drugs, shipping by land and sea, and pooling purchases.
The United Nations will hold a high-level meeting this week to chart a course of action for coming years. It needs to press donor countries, and those with high infection rates, to do more, not less, for this life-or-death fight.


Stopping Fraud at Trade Schools

New York State needs to do a better job of regulating the for-profit trade school industry, which is increasingly known for deceptive practices and saddling students with debt while providing them little in return.
As a good first step, the Legislature should promptly pass a bill that broadens the state Department of Education’s enforcement authority over the hundreds of for-profit trade schools in New York. While most abide by the state licensing law, some appear to be flouting it, along with rules that require state approval of their curriculums. Officials say a rash of suspect schools has sprung up in New York City to exploit immigrants and the unemployed, who are desperate to learn new skills.
In one case, city officials say, students who paid to attend a truck-driving school spent the entire course in the classroom and were never taught to drive. At other schools, students say they were promised jobs or business contacts that never materialized.
The New York State attorney general’s office is currently investigating allegations of illegal business practices at several for-profit education companies, including one founded by Donald Trump. The Education Department’s inability to properly monitor the industry stems in part from underfinancing of the enforcement division, which runs entirely on school application fees. The pending bill would fix that problem by raising the fee from a paltry $250 to $5,000. Fines for violating the licensing law would also increase.
The for-profit schools are sometimes poorly financed, which means they go broke before the students complete their courses of study. The bill would try to deal with this problem by requiring the schools to prove financial viability and by making it easier for students to recover their tuition from schools that abruptly shut down.
Reputable for-profit schools should support this bill to show that they are committed to cleaning up a troubled industry. People who want new skills need the Legislature to do more to protect them from rip-offs and exploitation.


We Call That a Big Tent

If you drew up the specs for a commerce secretary, John Bryson would seem to fit the bill. Mr. Bryson, president Obama’s nominee, brings a distinguished career as a businessman, public servant and environmentalist. This is just the résumé for someone whose department is tasked with expanding exports, managing the census, monitoring the atmosphere and protecting America’s ocean waters.
Mr. Bryson — a former chairman of Edison International, a Southern California utility, and a founder of the Natural Resources Defense Council — has already received a wide range of endorsements. Supporters include the Center for American Progress, the Natural Resources Defense Council and other advocacy groups, and the Chamber of Commerce, the Business Roundtable and the main utility industry group, the Edison Electric Institute.
Yet Senator James Inhofe and Representative Darrell Issa, both Republicans, have vowed to oppose him. Mr. Inhofe says Mr. Bryson is sure to be a tool of President Obama’s “job-killing” environmental agenda. Mr. Issa calls him a dangerous “green evangelist.”
There is much work to be done at Commerce. China has jumped ahead on alternative energy; Mr. Bryson invested heavily in wind and solar power at Edison. Another priority: The department’s National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration is largely responsible for monitoring the health of the Gulf of Mexico after the BP oil spill.
We look forward to Mr. Bryson’s confirmation hearing, and urge the Senate not to delay. From all we know right now, he looks like the right businessman-environmentalist for the job.

 

EDITORIAL : THE DAILY YOMIURI, JAPAN

 

Ease curbs on joint development of defense tech

A recent welcome development will help deepen Japan-U.S. defense cooperation and strengthen the bilateral alliance.
Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa, in talks with U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates in Singapore on Friday, articulated the criteria under which Japan will allow the United States to export to third countries a jointly developed next-generation ballistic missile interception system.
The Japanese defense chief told his U.S. counterpart Japan will approve third-country exports if:
-- The third countries to which the United States exports the missile interceptors, the sea-based Standard Missile-3, are in principle limited to U.S. allies.
-- A "strict export control" is in place to prevent the interceptors from being transferred from the third countries to other countries.
The issue of transferring the SM-3 system has been pending since the Japan-U.S. joint development program for missile defense systems was launched in 2006. The two countries are scheduled to begin joint production of the SM-3 interceptors around 2014 and start deployment in 2018. The transfer issue must be settled in time for this schedule.
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Ease arms export principles
To cope with threats of ballistic missile attacks, it is imperative for Japan and the United States to closely cooperate in the operations of their missile defense teams, the exchange of information and the technological aspects of the missile defense system. The joint development of the next-generation interceptor missiles is emblematic of the nations' cooperation.
Japan has been lagging in international cooperation in defense technologies because of constraints imposed by its three longstanding principles on arms exports.
In the ongoing joint Japan-U.S. development of the SM-3, which has been considered an exception to the arms embargo principles, Japan's technological capability has been highly praised. Such Japan-U.S. cooperation should be expanded.
The administration of Prime Minister Naoto Kan, when it revised the National Defense Program Guidelines toward the end of 2010, failed to ease the three arms export principles, mainly in consideration of the Social Democratic Party, which opposes any change in the principles. On that occasion, however, the Kan government did take note of its plan to study the advisability of Japan's participation in international arms development projects with other countries than the United States.
From the viewpoint of maintaining the technological base of Japan's defense industries, too, the three-point principles banning arms exports should be eased as soon as possible.
In the latest Japan-U.S. defense ministerial meeting, the two sides also discussed ways to secure a site for U.S. carrier-borne aircraft to hold takeoff and landing practice to replace Iwoto, a Pacific island under Tokyo's jurisdiction.
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New practice site crucial
Securing a new site for the landing practices is integral to realizing a plan to transfer carrier-borne aircraft of the U.S. Navy from the U.S. Atsugi base in Kanagawa Prefecture to Iwakuni base in Yamaguchi Prefecture.
The Defense Ministry has chosen Mageshima island in Nishinoomote, Kagoshima Prefecture, located west of Tanegashima island in the prefecture, as a candidate site for the takeoff and landing practice and has begun consulting with local communities there. This is an important step toward advancing the planned transfer of U.S. carrier-borne aircraft to Iwakuni, a major pillar of realignment of U.S. forces in Japan.
Finding a new practice site for the U.S. forces is always hard because it involves the difficult task of obtaining the agreement of local communities.
Finding a replacement site for Iwoto island has been difficult, too, and is behind schedule. The relocation plan should be realized as quickly as possible.
The Kan Cabinet has regrettably put off a number of issues related to the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, including the relocation of some functions of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa Prefecture.
Without steadily implementing Japan-U.S. defense accords one by one, there can be no prospect for enhancing the mutual trust of the bilateral alliance.


Progress made toward integrated reforms

The joint government and ruling party panel established to discuss social security reform and chaired by Prime Minister Naoto Kan has compiled a reform plan.
The plan should be used as a basis for discussions between the ruling and opposition parties over raising the consumption tax rate.
With the government's fiscal deficit ballooning, resources must urgently be secured to fund welfare measures in this age of a graying society with an extremely low birthrate.
The reform plan proposed using consumption tax revenue exclusively for social security purposes, and stated that the consumption tax rate should be raised to 10 percent in two stages by fiscal 2015. The reform plan is significant in that it presented a timetable for increasing the consumption tax rate by five percentage points.
Why is a 10 percent consumption tax rate needed? The panel explained as follows.
About 3.8 trillion yen is needed to enhance systems for child-rearing assistance, health and nursing care, and pensions. Nearly 1.2 trillion yen will be saved by holding down benefits for health care and welfare services, leaving a shortfall of about 2.7 trillion yen.
The panel concluded that an increase of five percentage points also is necessary to secure tax money to pay basic pensions.
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LDP ahead of pack
The Liberal Democratic Party called for a 10 percent consumption tax rate before other parties, in its pledges for the House of Councillors election last year. With the reform plan now unveiled, the Democratic Party of Japan and the LDP agree on funding of the social security system.
Both parties also recognize that an even higher consumption tax rate will be unavoidable in the mid- and long-term, and that the social security budget will have to become an independent account.
Concerning reform of the pension system, the panel's plan virtually shelved the establishment of an income-linked pension program, something the DPJ has been promoting, and instead put priority on fine-tuning the existing pension system, which the LDP and New Komeito have called for.
The ruling and opposition parties thus appear to be reaching a broad agreement on the foundation for discussions on social security reform.
However, the reform plan leaves untouched items related to the DPJ's manifesto for the 2009 House of Representatives election, including keeping the child-rearing allowance intact.
The reform plan generously incorporates measures to help low-income earners, but the DPJ is divided over how to eliminate waste to make the social security system more efficient.
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More talks needed
The government and ruling parties should have more talks to pave the way for concrete discussions between the ruling and opposition parties. The ruling parties may need to make concessions to the opposition parties.
We may not be able to expect such leadership from Kan, who is losing his political clout. However, integrated reform of the tax and social security systems is not a task that any administration can shy away from.
The ruling and opposition parties should bring about social security reform through policy coordination, so everyone can have peace of mind.
To this end, we need a "post-Kan" administration, which will make it possible for the ruling and opposition parties to cooperate in tackling the issue.






EDITORIAL : THE KOREA HERALD, SOUTH KOREA



Curbing time-old practice

The government has come up with a set of measures to curb the deeply entrenched practice of high-ranking bureaucrats descending into high-paying private-sector jobs immediately after their retirement.

The package allows ministers, vice ministers, assistant ministers and heads of provincial governments to take a private sector job immediately after retirement. But it bans them from work that is closely related with the business they performed in their last year as a public servant.

This rule applies to large law firms and accounting companies that have thus far hired high-ranking officials upon their retirement without any restrictions on the scope of business they could engage in.

The package also toughened regulations on post-retirement employment of lower-ranking officials. Currently, the ethics act bans a public official from getting a job for two years after retirement with a private company related with the business he performed in the three years immediately before his retirement.

But recently, the Financial Supervisory Service was found to have bypassed this rule by assigning officials with three years left before retirement to posts unrelated to their specialized fields to help them move to private financial firms upon retirement.

To make this so-called “career laundering” practice more difficult, the new rule bans a retired official from private sector work related to the business he performed in the five years immediately before retirement.

For FSS officials, who were found to have virtually monopolized the auditor posts at financial companies, the government will make working-level officials as well as senior officials subject to post-retirement job restrictions.

These measures, which will be implemented starting in October at the earliest, represent the government’s determination to root out the so-called “jeon-gwan-ye-u” practice, which means incumbent bureaucrats providing honorable treatment to their retiring immediate predecessors. It is this practice that makes retired officials powerful -- and useful to private companies.

President Lee Myung-bak noted Friday that this time-old practice is diametrically opposed to the values that define a fair society. As he stressed, Korea would not be able to become an advanced nation without uprooting it.

But the package announced on Friday is nowhere near sufficient to tackle the deep-rooted problem. The government needs to come up with follow-up measures that can give it real teeth. For instance, it needs to increase penalties for those who violate the new rules.

Ultimately, the phenomenon of government officials enjoying privileges even after retirement will continue as long as Korea remains a society run by bureaucrats. We need to move toward a society that can run under a smaller government and with fewer regulations.
 
 
 
Don't let up on politicians
 
Prosecutors investigating the irregularities at Busan Savings Bank abruptly suspended their probe Friday. They sent testifiers home and walked out of their offices. They did not come to work on Saturday or Sunday either.

It was a protest against a decision by lawmakers to abolish the prosecution’s most powerful investigation unit -- the Central Investigation Department of the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office.

It was not just the CID prosecutors investigating the savings bank scandal who were shocked and infuriated. The entire prosecution sizzled with anger. Prosecutor General Kim Joon-gyu is to meet with senior prosecutors today to discuss how they will respond to the parliamentary assault on their organization.

The lawmakers who rattled the prosecution are members of the prosecution reform subcommittee of the Parliamentary Committee on Judicial Reform. They have grappled with their task since February last year. In March this year, they concluded that the CID should to be dismantled because its immense investigative power has often been politically abused.

On Friday, the subcommittee agreed to revise the Public Prosecutors’ Office Act to set its conclusion in stone. Since the agreement was reached between lawmakers from the ruling and opposition parties, there is little possibility of it being overturned in the legislative process.

The backlash from the prosecutors is understandable, given the central role the CID has thus far played in investigating high-profile corruption cases involving presidential aides and relatives, top government officials, powerful politicians and business big shots.

What made the prosecutors particularly furious was the timing of the lawmakers’ move. It came right after investigators identified the first two politicians suspected of having taken bribes from the insolvent savings banks. They were Rep. Gong Sung-jin of the ruling Grand National Party and Im Jong-seok, a former lawmaker of the Uri Party, the governing party of the Roh Moo-hyun government.

Prosecutors said Shin Sam-gil, honorary chairman of Samhwa Mutual Savings Bank who was indicted in April on charges of extending some 70 billion won worth of illegal loans, has testified to giving 3 to 5 million won a month to each of the two politicians starting in 2005.

Against this backdrop, prosecutors denounced the lawmakers’ move as a thinly veiled attempt to interrupt their probe as the cozy relationship between politicians and the insolvent savings banks was beginning to come to light.

They said media reports of the lawmaker’s plan would deal a blow to their investigation, since suspects involved in the scandal might choose to keep their mouths shut thinking the investigation would soon come to an end with the dissolution of the CID.

Prosecutors also argued that the parliamentary intervention in the prosecution’s affairs was ultimately intended to set up a protective wall that would make prosecution of lawmakers involved in corruption more difficult.

Without doubt, prosecutors have a valid case. But this does not justify their suspension of investigation into Busan Savings Bank or defiance of the parliamentary decision to disband the CID. They simply have no right to challenge the National Assembly’s legislative authority.

Prosecutors need to reflect on what motivated lawmakers to pursue prosecution reform in the first place. It was their failure to maintain political neutrality and independence and prevent the abuse of their prosecutorial power. Had they used their discretionary power of indictment more independently and fairly, they would have been spared the humiliation of being forced to dissolve the CID, one of their sources of pride.

In this respect, what prosecutors ought to do now is not suspending but stepping up investigation into politicians suspected of being involved in the savings bank scandal. They should investigate suspects thoroughly without any political considerations.

Up to now, their probe has been decisive. The long list of arrested officials demonstrates their determination to get to the bottom of the scandal. They need to maintain the current resolve throughout the investigation to regain the public’s confidence.
 
 
 
 
 
 

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