Ties with the US
A NEW survey conducted by Washington’s Pew Research Centre shows that only 11 per cent of Pakistanis view the US and President Obama favourably. In fact, the survey was concluded on April 26 — about a week before the Americans discovered Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad. The ratings must have plummeted since the operation and last week’s double-drone US strike inside Pakistani territory. As the Obama administration asks tough questions of Pakistan, and as US congressmen call on the administration to review the country’s commitment to the war on terror before providing further aid, the American image is reaching new lows in the eyes of the Pakistani public. But the latter’s perception has never bothered Washington which is likely to continue on the current trajectory for some time before it thrashes out new terms of engagement with Islamabad. The new package will probably contain greater accountability as a condition for the continuation of financial assistance that has seen more than $20bn transferred from the US to Pakistan over the last one decade.
If the US is exerting pressure for a fresh understanding with Pakistan, Islamabad is not indicating that it will succumb easily to a new set of rules. Led by the civilian-military combine, Pakistan understands how valuable it still is to the Obama administration in its war on terror, and has in recent days been found conveying the message through old friend and powerful regional player China. Supposedly, the big question is: will Pakistan and the US come round to continuing the partnership once they have redefined ties and laid out the terms yet again? The present signs are that there is no other option available to the two uneasy partners.
The US cannot leave the war halfway, while beneath the political sloganeering spiked by the recent raid, Pakistan has failed
to find a near-feasible replacement for American financial assistance. There is no harm in thinking in terms of self-reliance but the alternative that has been suggested centres more on emotions than economic logic. In these times of heightened tensions, when each side is accusing the other of betrayal, the give-and-take aspect may appear difficult to conclude, but it is what the two countries seem to be headed for once again. The same fears and accusations and counter-accusations have persisted throughout the years that Pakistan and the US have been allies in the war on terror. For good or bad, the basic fact is that the circumstances have not altered, at least not to an extent where the prospect of a parting of ways appears imminent.
to find a near-feasible replacement for American financial assistance. There is no harm in thinking in terms of self-reliance but the alternative that has been suggested centres more on emotions than economic logic. In these times of heightened tensions, when each side is accusing the other of betrayal, the give-and-take aspect may appear difficult to conclude, but it is what the two countries seem to be headed for once again. The same fears and accusations and counter-accusations have persisted throughout the years that Pakistan and the US have been allies in the war on terror. For good or bad, the basic fact is that the circumstances have not altered, at least not to an extent where the prospect of a parting of ways appears imminent.
Chinese support
WHILE one should not read too much into China’s support for Pakistan on the Abbottabad raid, it would not do to dismiss it as a routine exercise in diplomacy either. By asking America to respect Pakistan’s sovereignty — the raid to take out Osama bin Laden was, after all, conducted on Pakistani soil, without the government’s knowledge — China has reiterated a principle cardinal to relations among nations. Considering that no other country has come out so categorically in support of Islamabad on what has turned out to be a demeaning episode for Pakistan, the Chinese prime minister’s remarks, during the course of his Pakistani counterpart’s visit, must be a source of satisfaction for the government. They uphold Pakistan’s stance that the raid should have been jointly conducted and that the SEALs’ foray and the intermittent drone attacks demonstrate an unwarranted unilateralism that undermines rather than strengthens the war on terror. Two other points emphasised by Wen Jiabao deserve attention. First,
he said he had raised the May 2 raid with American officials during their strategic dialogue and emphasised the need for Washington to understand Islamabad’s problems; second, Beijing expects Washington to recognise Pakistan’s own sacrifices during the war. In fact, what Mr Wen said
has often been acknowledged by American officials themselves.
he said he had raised the May 2 raid with American officials during their strategic dialogue and emphasised the need for Washington to understand Islamabad’s problems; second, Beijing expects Washington to recognise Pakistan’s own sacrifices during the war. In fact, what Mr Wen said
has often been acknowledged by American officials themselves.
Ever since 9/11, no country has suffered the way Pakistan has at the hands of terrorists of all hues. A minimum of 30,000 Pakistani soldiers and civilians have been killed, evoking condemnation from most Pakistanis few of whom have supported Osama bin Laden. On the whole, Mr Wen’s statement after talks with Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani is expressive of the restraint that characterises China’s foreign policy, especially towards its neighbours, because he lauded the Pakistani leader’s acceptance of the Indian premier’s invitation to Mohali. Given the doubts being cast by the international community on Pakistan’s commitment to the war on terror, the Chinese prime minister’s assurances that changes in international politics will not affect Beijing’s relations with Islamabad, the commitment to help strengthen this country’s defence capability and
the decision to supply 50 Thunder jets are a matter of satisfaction for the government.
the decision to supply 50 Thunder jets are a matter of satisfaction for the government.
Journalists` murder
GIVEN the worsening security situation, it is not surprising that Pakistan is considered deadly for journalists. Amnesty International’s recent report says that during 2010, the maximum number of journalists killed in connection with their work anywhere in the world was in Pakistan, with eight deaths. The Committee to Protect Journalists similarly labelled Pakistan the “world’s deadliest country for the press in 2010”. This grim picture is unlikely to change. The rise in terror attacks and suicide bombings renders the task of journalists fraught with danger. In urban areas they have often been caught up in acts of violence. Meanwhile, the courageous journalists who undertake to bring the news from the country’s trouble spots, such as Fata or Balochistan, find themselves at equal risk from militants and security forces.
Additionally, so far this year, at least three journalists have died in targeted attacks: Wali Khan Babar, a reporter with Geo News, was shot dead in Karachi in January; Nasrullah Afridi, who worked for Pakistan Television and the Mashreq newspaper, died in Peshawar in early May when his car exploded; and most recently, Moharram Ali Sheikh, a cameraman for Mehran TV, was killed in Pir Jo Goth on Tuesday. Others have been harassed, threatened and abducted. Never, though, has the state made it a priority to bring the culprits to justice. The CPJ placed Pakistan at number 10 on its 2010 Impunity Index, which highlights countries where journalists are killed regularly but in which governments fail to solve the crimes. Indeed, it notes that “Pakistani authorities have won convictions in only one case in the past decade, the murder of US reporter Daniel Pearl in 2002”. As long as those who harass journalists are allowed to operate with impunity, media persons’ ability to work in an environment free from intimidation will continue to be compromised.
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