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Tuesday, June 26, 2012

EDITORIAL : THE JAKARTA POST, INDONESIA






Stay focused, KPK



Many people seem to have lost patience with the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) for moving too slowly in its investigation into high-profile cases such as the fraudulent Hambalang sports center in the West Java regency of Bogor.

After questioning about 60 witnesses and five meetings to build the case, KPK investigators have yet to drop any hint that they will soon name a suspect that will convince the public that they are serious about unraveling alleged irregularities in the Rp 1.52 trillion (US$162.64 million) project. Neither has the KPK shown courage to dedicating time, energy and all resources at its disposal to the graft case, which implicates the inner circle of the ruling Democratic Party.

The KPK has attributed the snail-paced probe into the Hambalang scandal to the unfinished examination of witnesses’ accounts and other data and findings related to the case. As if to appease criticism, KPK chief Abraham Samad promised last week that the commission would step up investigation measures in the coming one or two weeks, including announcing one or more suspects.

But the KPK, as far as Abraham’s response is concerned, is stating the obvious and has basically done nothing to disprove doubts over its will to tackle the Hambalang saga. The public has already sensed a fracture within the KPK in connection with investigations into corruption cases implicating Democratic Party politicians, particularly the Hambalang scandal that former party treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin, who played a role as a whistle blower, said involved party chairman Anas Urbaningrum and patron Andi Mallarangeng, who is also the Youth and Sports Minister.

A split within the anti-graft body had been apparent in the “belated” arrest of another Democratic Party lawmaker, Angelina Sondakh, which came nearly two months following her being named a corruption suspect. The KPK used to detain people as soon as it declared them suspects.

It is reported that Democratic Party elites have insisted that the KPK immediately named Anas a suspect, a move that will pave the way for his ouster as party chairman as it gives ample time to restore its tarnished image. But rival parties would like the KPK to buy time as long as possible until the Hambalang case shoots down the Democrats’ popularity rating to its lowest ebb just ahead of the 2014 elections.

No executives of the parties would apparently buy into such a conspiracy theory, but the fact that the KPK distracted its own focus with a non-priority, if not low key, cases recently indicates it lacks persistence to delve into the Hambalang scandal. The KPK, for example, arrested a US national in connection with an extortion case involving customs officials last week only to hand over the case to the police and summoned Bhakti Investama CEO Hary Tanoesoedibjo, who has joined the National Democratic Party, for questioning related to a bribery scandal allegedly implicating a tax official. The moves won widespread media coverage, but at the expense of any progress the KPK could achieve in its probe into the Hambalang case.

Following the conviction of Nazaruddin in an earlier graft case, the detention of Angelina and most recently the arrest of Nazaruddin’s wife Neneng Sri Wahyuni, should have provided the KPK with more ammunition to capture bigger fish in the Hambalang scandal.

The longer the KPK keeps the public waiting, the sooner it will lose public faith.




Democracy á la Egypt




The win for Mohammad Morsi in the Egyptian presidential runoff election is a victory for all Egyptian people. He may have won by a small margin — 4 percent separated him from his rival Ahmad Shafik — and he may have represented the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party in the campaign, but once installed, he becomes the president of all Egyptians.

Morsi’s victory was the best outcome possible under the circumstances. It put him in charge of the nation in the next important battle, which is to phase out the military from politics and put the nation under an accountable civilian government.

The military decision to dissolve the democratically elected parliament this month reflected its political clout. Morsi will have to rely on all elements in Egypt, and not solely his Muslim Brotherhood faction, in facing off against the military.

The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which had taken charge after the hasty departure of strongman Hosni Mubarak last year, now has to share power with Morsi. Such power sharing could lead to a standoff or even paralysis in government, but it could also lead to a more responsible government if both sides sincerely work for the interest of the people. We hope the latter prevails.

Morsi has already made the right overtures soon after his electoral victory was confirmed on Sunday. In his speech, he appealed for national unity and pledged to protect every citizen, including women, children and religious minorities. And he formally resigned from the Freedom and Justice Party shortly before the announcement. The next step for Morsi is to form a national unity government.

Egypt is facing similar challenges as most countries that have made the transition from an authoritarian to a democratic system of government. But as the largest Arab country, developments in Egypt have strong implications for the region and the world. There is just so much at stake if the democratization process fails or stalls.

The sooner the new democratic Egypt sorts out its domestic problems, the better it is for the region and the world. For sure, the Middle East peace process cannot proceed without the participation of a stable and democratic Egypt.









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