Parties ignore education's ills
Education can bridge disparities, unlock  prejudices and foster tolerance. But it can also widen the disparity gap  and intensify conflict, if an education system perpetuates cultural  values that sustain structural inequality.
Thailand  is at a crossroads. To divert the country from a violent path, we need a  system of education which fosters tolerance to the differences and  responds to the diverse needs of the different groups in today's more  complex and fragmented society.
Unfortunately, neither the  Democrat nor Pheu Thai parties vying for political power in the July 3  general election, are offering any hope for change through their  education policies.
Their populist packages may be different but  are handouts all the same. Both parties are also similarly talking big,  trying to outdo each other in the size of handout budgets. But neither  of them touch the crux of the education crisis in Thailand, which is the  centralised, Bangkok-centric education system that perpetuates  disparity and brainwashes the young into submission to authoritarianism.
At  a meet-the-press forum at the Thai Journalists Association earlier this  week, Education Minister Chinnaworn Bunyakiat reportedly promised that  the Democrats would increase education loans by 2 trillion baht,  redesign the national curriculum and improve national education  standards to make Thai students competitive in the world. He also  promised a 13% raise in salary for teachers and one computer for every  10 students across the country.
Meanwhile, Pheu Thai's deputy  leader Kanawat Wasinsangworn said his party promises free public wi-fi  and a free iPad tablet to every student above Prathom 4 (Grade 4), in  addition to special funds for every university to turn students into  business entrepreneurs. Pheu Thai also promises teachers a debt  moratorium and a tax subsidy for their first car.
Both parties  will need not billions but trillions of baht to finance these pledges.  It will not be their money. It will be the taxpayers' money. While Mr  Chinnaworn said the Democrat Party would inject more money into the  education system, it should be noted that he also has plans to close  down small rural schools, and this will affect more than 14,000 schools  in remote areas and 500,000 poor children nationwide.
Like the  Democrats' computer project, Pheu Thai's free tablet programme raises  public fears of big-time corruption and a waste of taxpayers' money  since online infrastructure and computer literacy remain lacking.
Thailand's  education budget, at 30% of the total national budget, is already among  the highest in the world. Yet its quality is in a shambles. The school  system is oppressive. The children do not think independently. The sole  focus on academic excellence and imposition of Bangkok standards on the  rest of the country also produce millions of dropouts. It is not that  they are poor students. It is because this system cannot help students  with different needs realise their full potential.
Decentralising  education is the cure. But both the Democrats and Pheu Thai have avoided  this like the plague. Indeed, why opt for reform when sticking to the  status quo brings them both power and money through central budgetary  control?
When national politics can offer no hope for education  reform, local communities and private citizens will have to take things  into their own hands. It is the only way to prevent their children's  creativity from being throttled by the present education system.


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